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En tant que sociétés, en tant qu’individus, nous fabriquons nos lieux de vie et en retour ceux-ci nous façonnent. Tout comme notre corps et notre esprit, le lieu fait partie de notre être. Être situé est axiomatique avec notre existence, et les conditions d’habitabilité des lieux sont concomitantes avec la condition humaine elle-même. Dans ce travail, nous visons à interroger ce qui fait lieu, en explorant une série de principes fondant la notion du lieu. Notion périlleuse, dans la mesure où l’acte de généralisation qu’elle implique est en porte-à-faux avec le constat que chaque lieu est irréductiblement singulier, géographiquement situé, pareil à nul autre. Si un lieu peut être envisagé comme étant un personnage, pour chaque individu et collectif qui l’investit, ce lieu constitue une affaire éminemment personnelle. Objet protéiforme, véritable « vrac », le lieu se présente à nous à la fois spatialement, par sa configuration morphologique, et socialement, comme un complexe constitué de récits, enjeux et situations. Sa représentation nécessite de recourir à des modalités d’expression visuelles et textuelles. À cet effet, nous prenons appui sur une discipline cartographique pratiquée dans l’Antiquité, ressuscitée à la Renaissance et oubliée depuis, la chorographie. Celle-ci étudie chaque lieu dans tous ses détails, visant à rendre compte de son caractère singulier. Nous pensons que la réactualisation de la chorographie, art et science, est d’une grande pertinence, face à ce que nous percevons comme une crise de lieu. À cet effet, une partie du travail consiste en l’expérimentation d’une cartographie interactive du Grand Paris / As societies and as individuals, we make the places where we live, and in return, these places make us. Just like our body and mind, place forms part of our being. To be situated is axiomatic of our existence, and the conditions that make places live able coincide with the human condition itself. In our work, we have aimed to question what makes place, by exploring a series of principles that found it as a notion. Perilous notion indeed, insofar as the act of generalization that study implies is at odds with the fact that each place is irreducibly singular, geographically situated, unlike any other. If one might envisage a place as if it were a person, such a place constitutes, for each individual and group involved with it, an eminently personal affair. Multifaceted, a « jumble », a place imposes upon us both spatially, through its morphological features, and socially, as a complex composed of narratives, issues and situations. Its representation necessitates the application of both visual and textual means of expression. Taking all this into account, we have based our argument upon a cartographic discipline, chorography, which was exercised in Classical antiquity, resuscitated during the Renaissance and since forgotten. Chorography involves the study of a place in all its details, the objective being to expose its singular nature. An art and a science, we believe that this ancient discipline should be brought up to date, that it is of particular pertinence for dealing with what we perceive as being a crisis of place. Part of our work has consisted in the experimentation of an interactive mapping of Greater Paris

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The following Creative Nonfiction Thesis delves into the suppressed past of a girl who experienced brief episodes of adolescent epilepsy. She was diagnosed with Rolandic seizures when she was eight years old and eventually “grew out” of them when she hit puberty. Since that time, the author had not spoken of these events with her family. The topic of her epilepsy remained, somewhat, the elephant in the room until the epilepsy discontinued. She interviewed her mother and her sister to see the perspectives of those people who were closest to her throughout this era. Through these interviews, the author learns of what her family truly experienced and their opinions of these events. These events largely affected the past and future relationship between her mother, her sister, and the relationship the author has with herself.

This thesis on the Grand Remonstrance represents an attempt to deal with the central question of Stuart Historiography, the question which asks "What were the causes of the English Civil War, and why did it occur when it did?" The question of causation is fundamental to an understanding of the early 17th century, and it has created considerable controversy among successive generations of historians. The central issue in question is whether the English Civil War was caused by a long term revolution in English society, generated by substantial changes in socio-economic conditions, or whether, in fact, it was caused by a fundamental breakdown in the working relationship between a particular monarch and a particular representative body. The choice of the Grand Remonstrance as the subject of the thesis was made after considerable study in the period led me to believe that the latter theory was correct, and furthermore, that a careful study of the Grand Remonstrance, and its relationship to the Long Parlament would provide important evidence to support that hypothesis. I realized when I made the decision that I had chosen a piece of parliamentary reform that spanned, in its development, a full year of parliamentary history, and that I had, therefore, committed myself to a study of rather sizable proportions, both chronologically and topically. Nonetheless, I have tried to limit the study to the history of the Remonstrance itself, and to the issues which directly influenced its development, and which clearly reflected the political conditions prevailing in England immediately prior to the Civil War.

L’objectif de cette thèse est de comprendre les résultats contrastés des programmes de transformation des quartiers populaires des métropoles de Paris et de Chicago. Depuis les années 1990, des programmes d’ampleur sont réalisés dans ces territoires dans le but de déconcentrer la pauvreté et de lutter contre les multiples formes de la ségrégation urbaine. Si ces initiatives ont abouti à des réalisations urbaines importantes, elles n’ont pas eu les résultats sociaux et économiques attendus. L’étude de la « mise en œuvre » permet d’expliquer ce phénomène. La thèse est structurée en trois axes : institutions, pratiques et représentations, apprentissages. Elle s’appuie sur une comparaison qualitative multi-scalaire de quatre études de cas dans deux métropoles singulières. Tout d’abord, nous étudions l’histoire institutionnelle et la gouvernance qui encadrent les projets de rénovation urbaine en faveur de la mixité. Nous analysons ensuite les divers processus qui accompagnent leur concrétisation, en soulignant l’importance des facteurs contextuels et l’influence des cadres d’interprétation et de traduction des politiques publiques. Nous examinons enfin les dynamiques d'apprentissage observables durant les dernières années. Nous montrons que l’adaptation politique est possible sous certaines conditions. En conclusion, différents modes de mise en œuvre sont théorisés à partir de nos résultats empiriques et en continuité avec les travaux de troisième génération portant sur cette phase. Leur analyse théorique montre que les ambiguïtés initiales des politiques publiques sont vectrices de tensions, voire de conflits, proportionnels au cours de la mise en œuvre. / The first objective of this dissertation is to understand the contrasted results of public programs aiming at the urban, social and economic transformation of low-income neighborhoods in the metropolitan areas of Paris and Chicago. Since the 1990s, large-scale programs have been implemented in those areas. They follow the goal of poverty deconcentration and try to tackle the multiple forms of urban segregation. If those initiatives have led to significant urban results, they have not engendered the expected social and economic outcomes. The analysis of implementation contributes to explain this phenomenon. This dissertation is structured around three main lines: institutions, practices and representations, learning effects. It builds upon a multi-scalar international comparison of four case studies conducted in two specific metropolises. First, we focus on the institutional heritage and the governance of urban renewal projects targeting diversity. Then, we analyze the multiple processes that relate to their implementation, emphasizing the significance of both contextual factors and the different interpretive frames within public policies. Finally, we study the learning processes recently at stake. We show that policy adaptation is only possible under certain conditions. In conclusion, distinct modes of implementation are theorized based on our empirical results and in accordance with the third generation of implementation research. Their theoretical analysis shows that ambiguities of policy design are leading toward proportional tensions, even conflicts, in the implementation phase.

Understanding the nature of Colorado River deposits in Grand Canyon helps reveal how the river responds to changes in its Colorado Plateau tributaries and Rocky Mountain headwaters. This study focused on Holocene alluvial deposits associated with archaeological sites excavated near Ninemile Draw in Glen Canyon and at Tanner Bar in eastern Grand Canyon. Two previously-developed conceptual models of deposition were tested based on previous work. Previous researchers have suggested that Holocene alluvial deposits in Grand Canyon are a series of inset aggradational packages that correlate to valley fills and arroyo-cutting cycles in Colorado Plateau tributaries and are laterally consistent throughout the river corridor. An alternate hypothesis is that alluvial packages record paleoflood sequences along the Colorado River with no Holocene change in river grade. In this model, deposits are preserved more variably as a function of local hydrologic geometry, and they should be less correlatable. Detailed stratigraphic columns of terrace deposits and several stratigraphic panels of archaeological trenches, combined with facies interpretations, were used to reconstruct a high-resolution alluvial history at two locations. Optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) and radiocarbon dating methods were used at both locations with consistent results. At both sites, the sediment includes multiple depositional facies of mainstem and local-source material, and it consists of stratal packages bound by unconformities. These stratigraphic relations, combined with geochronology, lead to the interpretation that the alluvium is composed of six correlatable alluvial packages at overlapping heights above river level throughout the canyon. The four older packages include facies that imply aggradation throughout the river corridor, suggesting oscillations in river grade. The youngest two packages consist only of mainstem flood deposits. These packages suggest that preservation of deposits over the past ~1 ky has not been driven by aggradation, although incision since ~1 ky is possible. Comparison of the interpreted chronostratigraphy to climate records suggests that this large river's grade has not responded visibly to smaller century to millennial-scale climate oscillations. This work is the first to document that the alluvial record in Grand Canyon spans the entire Holocene, and conclusions support to both previous conceptual models of deposition.

On the tenth of January 1786, Mrs. Hester Lynch Piozzi recorded her entrance into the city of Naples, Italy in her travel journal Observations and Reflections Made in the Course of a Journey Through France, Italy, and Germany. She emphasized the importance of her experience in Naples by stating that: "among all the new ideas I have acquired since England lessened to my sight upon the sea, those gained at Naples will be the last to quit me." This British woman's stay in Naples was but a brief period within her three year long Grand Tour, yet it represented a great deal more than a simple respite. It became both a metaphor for her own break from the English society with her second marriage to an Italian musician and a forum through which she could express her complex opinions about class, ethnicity and gender. Essentially, this study reconstructs how Naples became a symbolic site in the journal and what it and its inhabitants represented to Hester Piozzi, both geographically and personally. Moreover, it simultaneously analyzes the common northern-European impressions that informed her opinions of Naples and the personal experiences that shaped her interactions with Neapolitans. Complex and sometimes conflicting beliefs and motivations formed Hester Piozzi's opinions of the place and its people. The object of my thesis is to understand how these various strands shaped her cultural interactions in the Italian south. In Piozzi's mind, Naples stood for many things. In part, long-standing northern European conceptions of Italian society formed the basis for her perceptions. More interestingly they also built upon her intensely personal observations as a woman who had split from her own social niche, the British upper-class. The city's exotic qualities provided her with the ability to fully embrace her liberation, yet in that context she also found common parallels that connected the lives of Neapolitan women to her own. Ironically, in the place that she believed to be most opposite to her home, she found a striking metaphor to help her evaluate and understand her own fractured life in England.