A bioética, a genética e, em especial, a eugenia, tem suscitado grande interesse e preocupação das diversas áreas do conhecimento. Se por um lado as descobertas na área da genética possibilitam a descoberta de cura de determinadas doenças, por outro, leva à consequente preocupação sobre a ética das condutas humanas nessa área e a temida limpeza racial. Diante disso, o presente trabalho faz o contraponto entre a concepção bioconservadora de Jürgen Habermas e a concepção liberal de Ronald Dworkin, considerando os antagonismos de ambas as teorias sob o ponto de vista ético e moral. Após contextualizar o problema no horizonte filosófico, em primeiro lugar, são apresentados os argumentos habermasianos contra a eugenia liberal através da análise da obra O Futuro da Natureza humana: a caminho de uma eugenia liberal? Explicitam-se os argumentos de Habermas em favor de uma ética da espécie a partir dos conceitos de igualdade, reciprocidade, autonomia, autodeterminação, dignidade, além da autocompreensão dos indivíduos como seres livres e iguais. Busca-se, portanto, reconstruir a estratégia argumentativa habermasiana. Posteriormente, criticam-se os argumentos bioconservadores de Jürgen Habermas, principalmente em relação à eugenia positiva (melhoramento humano) e ao fundamento de suas ideias em relação à compreensão normativa das relações humanas. Aborda-se o debate em torno da questão de pós-humanidade com apoio na teoria liberal de Ronald Dworkin, uma vez que tal estágio é considerado consequência da biotecnologia e perfaz um ponto crucial de discórdia entre ambas as teorias. O filósofo estadunidense firma a sua posição a favor de um direito à liberdade reprodutiva e, em consequência, favorável à submissão dos meios de melhoramento humano à liberdade de escolha individual. Assim sendo, este trabalho pretende fornecer elementos para que se constatem os limites da manipulação genética, de modo que cabe à moralidade e à ética preencher o vácuo do destino criado pela biotecnologia, tendo como fim a manutenção da espécie e da natureza humana. / Bioethics, genetic and in particular, eugenics, have aroused great interest and concern in sev-eral knowledge areas. The discoveries in genetics make it possible to discover the cure of cer-tain diseases, on the other hand, leads to consequent concern about the ethics of human behav-ior in that area and the dreaded racial cleansing. Thus, the present work is the contrast be-tween the bioconservative design Jürgen Habermas and the liberal conception of Ronald Dworkin, considering the antagonism of both theories from an ethical and moral point of view. After contextualizing the problem in the philosophical horizon, first, they present the Habermasians arguments against liberal eugenics through the analysis of the work The Future of Human Nature: towards a liberal eugenics? It will explain the Habermas's arguments in favor of the ethics of the species from the concepts of equality, reciprocity, autonomy, self-determination, dignity, beyond the self-understanding of individuals as free and equal beings. Searching, therefore, to reconstruct Habermas's argumentative strategy. Later, criticizing the bioconservatives arguments of Jürgen Habermas, especially in relation to positive eugenics (human enhancement) and the foundation of their ideas in relation to the normative under-standing of human relationships. The debate around the issue of post-humanity with support in the liberal theory of Ronald Dworkin, as this stage is considered a result of biotechnology and makes a crucial point of disagreement between the two theories. The American philoso-pher picks a side in favor of the right of reproductive freedom and, consequently, in favor of the submission of the means of human improvement to freedom of choice. Therefore, this paper aims to provide elements for which they verify the boundaries of genetic manipulation, so that it is up to morality and ethics to fill the vacuum of fate created by biotechnology, tak-ing aim at maintaining the species and the human nature.

Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) / El presente trabajo tiene por objeto exponer la teoría discursiva del Derecho, particularmente la planteada por el filósofo y sociólogo alemán Jürgen Habermas en su libro “Facticidad y Validez”, la cual configura una validez jurídica en dos niveles: una validez formal (facticidad) y una validez sustancial (validez), siendo esta última esencial para el cumplimiento de los fines del derecho en orden a complementar el sistema normativo de la moral, en lo que respecta a la integración de las sociedades. Junto con ello, se analiza la Constitución Política chilena de 1980 a la luz de dicha teoría, para responder a la pregunta de si puede considerarse el ordenamiento jurídico chileno como legítimo en términos discursivos. En dicho análisis se recorre toda la vigencia de la Constitución en sus distintas reformas hasta llegar a su versión actual, la por algunos denominada “Constitución de 2005”, la cual posee notables diferencias con la Carta de 1980 pero al mismo tiempo mantiene muchos de sus principios fundamentales. El conflicto de legitimidad de la Constitución se plantea de dos maneras. Por una parte, un déficit de legitimidad originario, debido a la fraudulenta aprobación de la Carta en 1980, déficit que ha ido perfeccionándose en sucesivas reformas pero sin alcanzar un ideal de autogobierno; y un déficit de legitimidad sustancial, presente en muchas disposiciones y principios de la Constitución incompatibles con una democracia moderna y con el ideal discursivo del derecho, que adscribe la validez de éste a su posibilidad de aprobación por todos sus destinatarios

Le but du présent ouvrage est de voir s'il est possible de légitimer le travail des comités d'éthique clinique. Pour ce faire, deux modèles de validité éthique sont étudiés : l'empirisme intentionnel de D.J. Self et l'éthique discursive de J. Habermas. Afin de dégager le schéma de validité éthique de chacun des modèles et de voir leur portée pour les comités d1 éthique, ils sont analysés à la lumière de la place accordée à la pluralité et au consensus, lequel est d'une grande importance pour les comités d'éthique. Il est ici l'objet d'une analyse détaillée guidant l'évaluation parallèle des modèles. En conclusion, il appert que l'éthique discursive rend possible la légitimation du travail des comités d'éthique. Elle demeure cependant un modèle idéal qui n'est pas intégralement appliqué mais qui peut servir à améliorer la qualité éthique du travail des comités d'éthique.

Jürgen Habermas has argued that democracy depends on all citizens recognizing the legitimacy of the law. Therefore, political argument must appeal only to public reason which is secular. Religious citizens must translate their reasons into a secular language accessible to the public. This dissertation argues that religious arguments are justified in public discourse if they refrain from dogmatism. Moreover, there is nothing inherent in secular reasons that make them publicly accessible or likely to generate consensus among members of a pluralistic society. If we treat religious arguments as simply arguments with controversial premises, it becomes less clear why religious arguments are singled out as particularly problematic for liberal democracies, since many secular political arguments share this feature. Granted, religious reasons are unlikely to secure consensus, but this does not count against them if consensus is not the goal of democratic discourse. This dissertation makes the case that Habermas, and other liberal theorists such as Rawls, have placed too much emphasis on consensus as the goal of democracy. Moreover, what they refer to is not practical consensus achieved pragmatically through compromise, but an idealized consensus that is the achievement of secular reason. This is problematic for two main reasons: there is no normative reason to think we ought to attain such consensus and such consensus is unlikely to be achieved in practice. Thus, there seems to be no normative force to the claim that religious citizens out to translate their arguments in secular language.

Submitted by Cleide Dantas (cleidedantas@ufpa.br) on 2014-03-10T14:37:15Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_DireitoModernidadePerspectiva.pdf: 690617 bytes, checksum: 7809247c2b0dcf99a15ef070c0cea03a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva (arosa@ufpa.br) on 2014-07-08T12:04:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_DireitoModernidadePerspectiva.pdf: 690617 bytes, checksum: 7809247c2b0dcf99a15ef070c0cea03a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-08T12:04:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_DireitoModernidadePerspectiva.pdf: 690617 bytes, checksum: 7809247c2b0dcf99a15ef070c0cea03a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Este trabalho tem por objetivo expor as idéias de direito e modernidade levando-se em conta a perspectiva de Jürgen Habermas, na qual se estabelece um novo modelo de razão - no caso a razão comunicativa -, como novo paradigma para a superação da crise instaurada na modernidade, reflexo da crise de legitimação do próprio direito. O referido trabalho tem um caráter bibliográfico, fundamentando-se na análise das obras de Habermas que tratam do assunto, bem como de renomados comentadores do mesmo. Partiu-se da concepção de direito desenvolvida pelos grandes teóricos sociais clássicos, procurando-se destacar o papel do diagnóstico weberiano, que toma como eixo norteador a idéia de racionalidade instrumental, criticado por Habermas por carecer de um maior rigor conceitual na identificação das patologias da modernidade, tarefa essa que o diagnóstico habermasiano pretende realizar levando-se em conta o trabalho reconstrutivo que tal diagnóstico realiza sobre as mais importantes concepções sobre a modernidade e o direito. / This paper aims to show the law and modernity ideas under Jürgen Habermas perspective, which establishes a new model of reason as paradigm of overcome the crisis instituted at modernity, which reflects the legitimacy crisis of law itself. This is a bibliographic work, based upon Habermas publications on the matter, as well as wellknowed commenteres of this author. The start point was the law conception developed by great classic sociological thinkers, with emphasis on the diagnosis role of Max Weber, centred upon the instrumental rationality idea, criticized by Habermas for lacking greater conceptual precision at modernity pathologies identification. The Habermas diagnosis tries to accomplish that goal by a reconstructive work over modernity and law most important conceptions, considering the idea of communicative reason.

The study seeks to investigate whether weblogs can act as virtual public spheres, where people can meet to discuss issues of interest to them. It uses the Mail & Guardian Online’s Blogmark as a case study. Weblogs – highly interactive online journals comprised of links and postings in reverse chronological order – are fast becoming an avenue of choice for many internet users wanting to share opinions and news with others online. Because of their unique read-and-write characteristics, some have equated them to the 18th century coffeehouses, around which the early forms of citizen involvement in public affairs began in early capitalist Europe. Despite their growing popularity, however, not much scholarly work has been dedicated to the practice of blogging in Africa, and particularly in South Africa. The study’s theoretical framework is drawn from Jürgen Habermas’s concept of the public sphere. While noting some of the criticisms of the Habermasian model, it is argued that the concept is instrumental in our understanding of the relationship between the media and democracy. The study, however, adopted a re-worked model of the concept of the public sphere. This model argues for the need to have a multiplicity of public sphericules (instead of one single public sphere as advocated by Habermas), around which individuals can congregate to discuss issues of common concern to them. Using a combination of qualitative content analysis, self-completion questionnaires and a semi-structured interview, the study found Blogmark to be an example of how emerging internet genres such as weblogs can be vehicles of citizen involvement in public life. A range of issues were discussed in the blog, from politics, race and ii i gender issues, to personal anecdotes, relationships, and sex. However, while some posts exhibited high levels of interactivity, with many bloggers joining in to offer their opinions, some read like online monologues. The study argues that although blogging is a practice that is still limited to a few privileged individuals, with the everrising size of the ‘blogosphere’, weblogs such as Blogmark are making a small but not insignificant contribution to the number of voices that can be heard in the public realm.

A problemática ambiental está vinculada à interdependência entre os processos ecológicos e à sua implicação na vida dos seres humanos. O direito ao ambiente ecologicamente equilibrado passa a ser compreendido como uma condição do direito à vida, interpretado, neste estudo, como direito humano fundamental. Com base na concepção de esfera pública de Habermas (1997), este trabalho teve como objetivo investigar a dinâmica da esfera pública relativa à tramitação de Projeto de Lei para alteração do Código Florestal Brasileiro, no âmbito do estado do Rio Grande do Sul. Trata-se de um estudo local frente a um debate nacional. A esfera pública foi investigada através de suas características de mediação e deliberação, considerando suas dimensões formal e informal. Habermas (1997) defende que a legitimidade do processo legislativo depende da participação daqueles que serão afetados pela legislação, o que, no caso de uma legislação ambiental, como o Código Florestal, corresponde a toda a sociedade. Este trabalho foi realizado por meio de pesquisa de abordagem qualitativa e natureza descritiva-exploratória. As técnicas de coleta de dados adotadas foram a observação participante, a entrevista semiestruturada, a pesquisa documental. A técnica de análise de dados utilizada foi a análise de conteúdo. Os dados analisados são referentes ao período de setembro de 2009 a abril de 2012. O estudo evidenciou que segmentos diversos da sociedade, como movimentos sociais e setor privado, mostraram-se atuantes na esfera pública política, relativamente à modificação do Código Florestal Brasileiro. O acesso às instâncias de participação é, no entanto, diferenciado, bem como os recursos disponíveis a cada segmento da sociedade, o que prejudica a qualidade da deliberação. Observou-se que os movimentos sociais possuem capacidade de revigorar as esferas públicas informais, mas em relação às esferas formais, a sociedade como um todo poderia ser melhor assimilada no processo de elaboração de uma legislação ambiental, a qual se destina a toda a sociedade. / The environmental issue has to do with the interdependence between the ecological processes and their implications on the life of human beings. The right to an ecologically balanced environment is therefore viewed in this study as a condition of the right to life, and a fundamental human right. Drawing on Habermas's conception of the public sphere (1997), this dissertation proposes to investigate the dynamics of the public sphere as regards a bill for the reform of the Brazilian Forest Code that is being processed in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. This is therefore a local study addressing a national issue. The public sphere is investigated based on its properties of mediation and deliberation, and considering its formal and informal dimensions. Habermas (1997) argues that the legitimacy of the legislative process depends on the participation of those who will be affected by the legislation – in the case of environmental legislation such as the Forest Code, society as a whole. The analysis was developed from a qualitative descriptive/exploratory research study. The data collection techniques used were participant observation, semi-structured interviewing and documentary research. The data analysis technique used was content analysis. The data analyzed refers to the period between September 2009 and April 2012. The study showed that some segments of society, such as social movements and the private sector, are very active in the public sphere in the fight for the Brazilian Forest Code reform. However, access to the different levels of participation varies, as do the resources that are available to each segment of society, which affects the quality of the deliberation. Finally, the study showed that social movements promote the strengthening of the informal public spheres; however, as regards the formal spheres, it points to the fact that society as a whole could be further integrated into the process of elaboration of environmental legislation – which after all affects society as a whole.

viii, 157 p. / The French "utopian socialist" movement known as Saint-Simonianism has long been recognized for its influence among 19th century engineers. An examination of the early Saint-Simonian journal, Le Producteur , however, reveals the articulation of an appeal to contemporary men of letters. A survey of the life and career of Hippolyte Carnot, a prominent Saint-Simonian man of letters, confirms and illustrates the nature of this appeal as it developed alongside Saint-Simonian ideology. Central to this appeal was the Saint-Simonians' attributing to the "artist" the role of moral educator. In their conceptualization of this function, the Saint-Simonians essentially presented a model of what Jürgen Habermas has termed the "public sphere" in strong contrast to that of classical liberalism. In the final analysis, however, the Saint-Simonians can be read as arguing not for the totalitarian domination of public life (as some have suggested) but rather the necessity of what Antonio Gramsci described as "hegemony." / Committee in charge: Dr. George Sheridan, Chair; Dr. David Luebke, Member; Dr. Daniel Pope, Member

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:12:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 1842.pdf: 1928890 bytes, checksum: afa219bf6dace21b41cd4900404eb7fd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-08-20 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / The goal of this thesis is to establish a comparison between the concepts of bourgeois public sphere and of proletarian public sphere developed, respectively, by Jürgen Habermas and by Oskar Negt and Alexander Kluge. In this sense, the study intends to demonstrate that, on contrary to Habermas eminently abstract perspective, the perspective suggested by Negt and Kluge is based on a non-deformed interpretation of marxist dialectics, allowing for the potential for emancipation present in the original critical theory. / O objetivo desta tese é estabelecer uma comparação entre os conceitos de esfera pública burguesa e de esfera pública proletária, desenvolvidos, respectivamente, por Jürgen Habermas e por Oskar Negt e Alexander Kluge. Neste sentido, o estudo pretende demonstrar que, ao contrário da concepção habermasiana, vinculada a uma perspectiva cujos traços são eminentemente abstratos, o conceito sugerido por Negt e Kluge fundamenta-se numa interpretação não deformada da dialética marxiana, recuperando o potencial de emancipação presente na teoria crítica original.

A problemática ambiental está vinculada à interdependência entre os processos ecológicos e à sua implicação na vida dos seres humanos. O direito ao ambiente ecologicamente equilibrado passa a ser compreendido como uma condição do direito à vida, interpretado, neste estudo, como direito humano fundamental. Com base na concepção de esfera pública de Habermas (1997), este trabalho teve como objetivo investigar a dinâmica da esfera pública relativa à tramitação de Projeto de Lei para alteração do Código Florestal Brasileiro, no âmbito do estado do Rio Grande do Sul. Trata-se de um estudo local frente a um debate nacional. A esfera pública foi investigada através de suas características de mediação e deliberação, considerando suas dimensões formal e informal. Habermas (1997) defende que a legitimidade do processo legislativo depende da participação daqueles que serão afetados pela legislação, o que, no caso de uma legislação ambiental, como o Código Florestal, corresponde a toda a sociedade. Este trabalho foi realizado por meio de pesquisa de abordagem qualitativa e natureza descritiva-exploratória. As técnicas de coleta de dados adotadas foram a observação participante, a entrevista semiestruturada, a pesquisa documental. A técnica de análise de dados utilizada foi a análise de conteúdo. Os dados analisados são referentes ao período de setembro de 2009 a abril de 2012. O estudo evidenciou que segmentos diversos da sociedade, como movimentos sociais e setor privado, mostraram-se atuantes na esfera pública política, relativamente à modificação do Código Florestal Brasileiro. O acesso às instâncias de participação é, no entanto, diferenciado, bem como os recursos disponíveis a cada segmento da sociedade, o que prejudica a qualidade da deliberação. Observou-se que os movimentos sociais possuem capacidade de revigorar as esferas públicas informais, mas em relação às esferas formais, a sociedade como um todo poderia ser melhor assimilada no processo de elaboração de uma legislação ambiental, a qual se destina a toda a sociedade. / The environmental issue has to do with the interdependence between the ecological processes and their implications on the life of human beings. The right to an ecologically balanced environment is therefore viewed in this study as a condition of the right to life, and a fundamental human right. Drawing on Habermas's conception of the public sphere (1997), this dissertation proposes to investigate the dynamics of the public sphere as regards a bill for the reform of the Brazilian Forest Code that is being processed in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. This is therefore a local study addressing a national issue. The public sphere is investigated based on its properties of mediation and deliberation, and considering its formal and informal dimensions. Habermas (1997) argues that the legitimacy of the legislative process depends on the participation of those who will be affected by the legislation – in the case of environmental legislation such as the Forest Code, society as a whole. The analysis was developed from a qualitative descriptive/exploratory research study. The data collection techniques used were participant observation, semi-structured interviewing and documentary research. The data analysis technique used was content analysis. The data analyzed refers to the period between September 2009 and April 2012. The study showed that some segments of society, such as social movements and the private sector, are very active in the public sphere in the fight for the Brazilian Forest Code reform. However, access to the different levels of participation varies, as do the resources that are available to each segment of society, which affects the quality of the deliberation. Finally, the study showed that social movements promote the strengthening of the informal public spheres; however, as regards the formal spheres, it points to the fact that society as a whole could be further integrated into the process of elaboration of environmental legislation – which after all affects society as a whole.