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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
21

When Leaders Repress: A Study of African States

Wilkes, Ashley 01 January 2014 (has links) (PDF)
When do leaders choose state-sponsored repression as a response to certain threats to the state? Conventional wisdom states that authoritarian regimes will be more likely to use these repressive acts in order to maintain law and order, as well as to suppress the opposition. However, previous literature on the subject fails to recognize the effect of irregular civil wars on this decision, as well as the types of repression that will - or will not - be used against citizens. I analyze cross-sectional time series data in 46 African states between 1990 and 2010 on human rights violations and their causes. The key independent variable is irregular civil war, but I also look at the effects of protest movements and domestic terror attacks to find the levels of human rights violations and the specific type of human rights violations used. Irregular civil war is the most important indicator for human rights violations, specifically, the use of killing and disappearances to silence the opposition and end the warfare.
22

Bradford Non-Lethal Weapons Research Project (BNLWRP). Research Report 3.

Feakin, Tobias January 2001 (has links)
yes / This third report from the Bradford NLW Project aims to give the reader a brief update of developments and debates within the NLWs field over the last few months. We hope that it will be of interest not only to NLW `specialists', but also to those with a general interest in this area. Interest in non-lethal weapons, which have been defined as being `explicitly designed and primarily employed to incapacitate personnel or material while minimising fatalities, permanent injury to personnel, and undesired damage to property and the environment', has increased dramatically over the last five years as a result of non-lethal technology progress and increasing calls from military forces (especially those engaged in peacekeeping) and civil police for more sophisticated non-lethal responses to violent incidents¿whilst there are evident advantages linked with non-lethal weapons, there are also key areas of concern associated with the development and deployment of such weapons. These include threats to existing weapons control treaties and conventions, their use in human rights violations (such as torture), harmful biomedical effects, and what some predict as a dangerous potential for use in social manipulation and social punishment within the context of a technology of political control.
23

Deconstruction of the UN Discourse on Transitional Justice : An Understanding of Justice and Reconciliation through Derrida’s Concepts

Lebedeva, Alexandra January 2016 (has links)
The present thesis seeks to problematize the UN discourse within transitional justice. Many scholars have pointed out that the discourse has been normalised and that is why it is in need for deconstruction. The study aims to critically analyse how justice and reconciliation are understood in the field. For the purpose of the study Derrida’s concepts on justice and forgiveness have been chosen as theoretical frameworks. The method of study is a deconstructive analysis, based on Derrida’s notion of deconstruction. The method implies analysis of language of the research material, i.e. four UN reports regarding transitional justice from 2004, 2009, 2010 and 2011. The study has shown, firstly, that the rule of law concept is closely connected with the idea of justice and, secondly, justice is often reduced to accountability. That in turn explains the dominance of the juridical instruments in transitional justice processes. Apart from this, based on Derrida’s concept of forgiveness, reconciliation and mechanisms applied represent a conditional forgiveness, seeking to re-establish normality. Another problem is that reconciliation is not sufficiently approached in the reports. Nevertheless, the history of the transitional justice development has shown that there is a potential for further changes and that is why it necessary to continue question the established norms.   Finally, deconstruction analysis has proved to be an adequate method for analysing transitional justice discourses and contributed to a nuanced analysis. The use of two languages, English and Russian versions of the reports allowed to identify and visualise some conceptual constructions that could otherwise have been missing.
24

Verspätete Wahrheitskommissionen in Theorie und Praxis / Delayed truth commissions in theory and practice

Ranft, Florian January 2010 (has links)
Für den Umgang post-autoritärer Gesellschaften mit den Tätern von Menschenrechtsverletzungen der Vorgängerregime gibt es zahlreiche Möglichkeiten. Neben der legalen Strafverfolgung haben sich seit Mitte der 1970er Jahre vor allem Wahrheitskommissionen als Form gegenseitiger Versöhnung zwischen Tätern und Opfern etabliert. Die vorliegende Studie gibt aus der Perspektive der vergleichenden Politikfeldforschung eine Antwort auf die Frage, welche politischen Faktoren der Wahrheitskommissionen in Uruguay, Panama und Ghana zu einer Verzögerung bei den Aufarbeitungsprozessen nach der Transition führen. Dazu werden aus der Theorie von Transitional Justice Hypothesen zur Machtverteilung, dem Ausmaß der Menschenrechtsverletzungen und den zivil-militärischen Reformen für verspätete Wahrheitskommissionen abgeleitet, welche zur Plausibilisierung der Verzögerung beitragen. Im empirisch-analytischen Teil der Arbeit wird in der Untersuchungs- und Kontrollgruppe deutlich, dass im Vergleich zu transitionsnahen Wahrheitskommissionen ein niedrigeres Niveau an Menschenrechtsverletzungen den politischen Druck für die Aufarbeitung hemmt und die Täter als demokratisch gewählte Machthaber nach der Transition kein Interesse an der Wahrheit haben (Ghana und Panama) bzw. mit den neuen Machthabern paktierten (Uruguay). Zudem zeigt die Studie, dass zivil-militärische Reformen keinen Einfluss auf die Aufarbeitung der Wahrheit haben, wie in der Literatur argumentiert wird. Auch wird angezweifelt, dass sich die politische Machtverteilung bei der Einsetzung von Wahrheitskommissionen im Gleichgewicht befindet. / For dealing with former human rights violations post-conflict societies have several choices. Besides criminal prosecutions truth commissions have been set up since the mid 1970 to find a way for reconciliation between perpetrators and victims. This paper focuses on the analysis of truth commissions with a significant time span to the transitional period in a comparative manner and asks for the causal mechanisms linked to it. To explain the time lack hypotheses are tested on the balance of power, civil-military reforms and the degree of human rights violations. The analyses for the truth commissions in Uruguay, Ghana and Panama indicate that a lower degree of human rights violations and the elections of political leaders and parties closely linked to the authoritarian era foreclose the establishment process. These results are controlled by the analysis of truth commissions in Argentina, South Africa and Haiti that were directly set up after the transition. Further it is argued that civil-military reforms have no influence on the establishment of truth commissions and that the balance of power is not levelled as is argued in the literature.
25

Reakcie medzinárodného spoločenstva na porušovanie ľudských práv počas argentínskej vojenskej diktatúry 1976-1983 / Reactions of the international community to human rights violations during the Argentine military dictatorship 1976-1983

Baloghová, Andrea January 2013 (has links)
Argentina can be defined as a country with a long turbulent history. However, at the turn of the 70's and 80's when the country was under the rule of the military junta clearly stands out from this frame. Under the pretext of fight against subversive elements, the army, the police and the intelligence services committed severe human rights violations against citizens who did not approve of the regime or expressed their dissatisfaction with it. The final outcome of this terror were more than 30 000 disappeared people, commonly called desaparecidos, around 500 illegally adopted children and entire families living in the shadow of their sad past until today. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the extent of knowledge of specific actors of the international community (USA and Chile) about the situation in Argentina and to identify their attitude towards the information coming from a country where human rights violations happened on a daily basis. The conclusion aims to assess whether the governments of these three countries operated in some sort of a trilateral relationship, or whether these crimes were a specific internal issue of Argentina.
26

African Union peacekeeping and civilian protection : an evaluation of the EU strategy for Africa and the G8/Africa Joint Plan

Ramsbotham, Alexander January 2011 (has links)
Global demand for peacekeeping is growing, especially in Africa. The United Nations has traditionally been at the forefront of developing peacekeeping theory and practice, and remains the primary operational agency for peacekeeping in Africa. But increasing emphasis is being placed on the African Union to assume greater responsibility for peacekeeping on the continent. The AU is still comparatively new and is in the process of developing its peace and security architecture. Over the past decade, the international community has been supporting African peacekeeping, both to build AU capacity and to provide direct operational support. In 2005 the international community agreed a collective 'responsibility to protect' vulnerable civilians threatened by gross violations of their human rights. And civilian protection is increasingly included in the mandates of peacekeeping missions. Within the context of contemporary complex, multidimensional peacekeeping ('peace support'), civilian protection is not an exclusive operational objective, but is rather one of a number of mandated tasks aimed at establishing more sustainable security as part of a broader peacebuilding goal. The AU has embraced the responsibility to protect principle, adopting a constitutional commitment to protect the rights of vulnerable civilians, including through peacekeeping interventions if necessary. But how capable is the AU in practice to deliver effective peacekeeping to protect civilians? And how appropriate is international support to help realise this ambition?
27

Dual obligations in clinical forensic medicine

Lukhozi, Sipho Michael 04 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis discusses ethical dilemmas faced by district surgeons in South Africa. District surgeons render clinical forensic services, which means that they deal mainly with detainees and victims of crime. The main functions of district surgeons are the collection of forensic evidence from patients and the care of detainees. So the focus is to assist in the administration of justice rather than improvement of patient wellbeing. The district surgeon may therefore find himself in a situation where patients’ interests are in conflict with those of law enforcement agencies. Being a medical practitioner in clinical forensic medicine, the district surgeon has an obligation to assist in the administration of justice, as opposed to the traditional obligation to care for patients and put patient’s interests first. This allegiance to both administration of justice as well as patient wellbeing lead to an ethical dilemma of dual loyalties. A dual obligations presents an ethical dilemma for the district surgeon, especially if they are in conflict and mutually exclusive. I discuss the detention and subsequent death of Steve Biko to illustrate how dual obligations can lead to serious human rights violations and even death. Dual obligations are however not limited to detainees and police custody settings, and I demonstrate this by discussing three other scenarios commonly encountered by district surgeons. There is a lack clear guidance for district surgeons who are faced with a conflict of obligations. I explore several ethical theories including consequentialism, deontology and virtue ethics, in search of an ethical framework suitable for resolving conflicts in clinical forensic medicine. I therefore argue that a duty based ethical framework is central to clinical forensic medicine and the resolution of loyalty conflicts. I recommend the resolution of conflicts by using an approach developed by Benjamin (2006). This approach involves weighing -up the different duties in conflict, applying philosophical reasoning and then amelioration. By adopting a structured and wellreasoned ethical framework, district surgeons will be able to deal with conflicts of obligations better. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis bespreek etiese dilemmas wat in die gesig gestaar word deur distriksgeneeshere in Suid-Afrika. Distriksgeneeshere lewer kliniese forensiese dienste, wat beteken dat hulle handel hoofsaaklik oor die gevangenes en slagoffers van misdaad. Die belangrikste funksies van distriksgeneeshere is die insameling van forensiese getuienis van pasiënte, en die sorg van gevangenes. Met hierdie benadering is die fokus om te help met die administratiewe doeleindes van geregtigheid, eerder as die verbetering van die pasiënt se welstand. Die distriksgeneesheer kan hom dus in 'n situasie vind waarby die pasiënte se belange in konflik is met dié van wetstoepassingsagentskappe. As 'n geneesheer in kliniese forensiese geneeskunde, het die distriksgeneesheer 'n verpligting om te help met die administrasie van geregtigheid, in teenstelling met die tradisionele verpligting om te sorg vir hul pasiënte, en hul welstand eerste te plaas. Hierdie getrouheid gaan gepaard met beide regspleging, sowel as die welstand van die pasiënt, wat kan lei tot 'n etiese dilemma van dubbele lojaliteit. Dubbele verpligtinge bied 'n etiese dilemma vir die distriksgeneesheer, veral as hulle in konflik en wedersyds uitsluitend is. Ek bespreek die aanhouding en die daaropvolgende dood van Steve Biko om te illustreer hoe dubbele verpligtinge kan lei tot ernstige skending van menseregte en selfs die dood. Dubbele verpligtinge is egter nie beperk tot die gevangenes en polisie-aanhouding instellings nie, en ek demonstreer dit deur die bespreking van drie ander “scenario's” wat oor die algemeen eervaar word deur distriksgeneeshere. Daar is 'n gebrek aan duidelike riglyne vir distriksgeneeshere wat 'n botsing van verpligtinge in die gesig staar. Ek verken verskeie etiese teorieë insluitende konsekwensialisme, deontologie en deugde-etiek, op soek na 'n etiese raamwerk geskik vir die oplossing van konflikte in kliniese geregtelike geneeskunde. Ek argumenteer dus dat 'n pligsgebaseerde etiese raamwerk sentraal is tot kliniese forensiese geneeskunde, en die resolusie van lojaliteit konflikte. Ek beveel die oplossing van konflikte deur die gebruik van 'n benadering wat ontwikkel is deur Benjamin (2006). Hierdie benadering behels 'n gewigsoorweging tussen die verskillende pligte in konflik, die toepassing van filosofiese redenasie en verbetering. Deur die aanneming van 'n gestruktureerde en beredeneerde etiese raamwerk, sal distriksgeneeshere dus in staat wees om konflikte van verpligtinge beter te hanteer.
28

Can regional organisations socialise states? Comparing human rights diffusion in ASEAN and SADC

Yejoo, Kim 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The deteriorating human rights situations in Myanmar and Zimbabwe have drawn concerns from the international community. Mainly Western states and NGOs have criticised both governments and urged strong action from the regional organisations, namely ASEAN and SADC. However, because of the deeply rooted non-intervention norm in these regions, Southeast Asia and Southern Africa, the human rights situation in both states long remained serious. Recently however, ASEAN has taken up a strong stance towards Myanmar. On the contrary, SADC has showed reluctance to respond to the human rights violations in Zimbabwe. The question arises why these two regional organisations have showed different responses? In other words, the ASEAN member states have become relaxed and accepted the new human rights norm, discarding the traditional non-intervention norm, while the SADC member states still stick to the norm of non-intervention. In order to find answers, the focus in this thesis is on the process of socialisation which means that the actors adopt new norms which are also accepted by society as a whole. Three mechanisms which lead to socialisation, namely strategic calculation, role-playing and normative suasion, are discussed. The conclusion reached is that regional organisation can play a role in inducing the member states to accept the new norm, in the process the regional organisation is also socialised through interaction with other international organisations and actors. Here, historical background, and particularly the process of gaining independence in SADC heavily influenced the socialisation process in this region. SADC member states‘ liberation struggle against colonialism and apartheid led to the formation of strong bonds among member states that has made it difficult for respective state leaders to criticise each other. Such strong bonds do not exist in Southeast Asia. In Southeast Asia, member states interact actively with external actors such as the EU and NGOs. Thus they become receptive to human rights norms; in turn, the regional organisation itself has been socialised and has become relaxed enough to discard the non-intervention norm. Also an increasingly large middle class has become interested in the human rights situation in its neighbouring countries. These are the factors which have led to the differing responses from ASEAN and SADC to human rights abuses in their regions. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nadat hulle onafhanklikheid gekry het, het die menseregte situasie in Myanmar en Zimbabwe agteruitgegaan. Die internasionale gemeenskap, meestal Westerse state en nie-regerings organisasies het albei regerings gekritiseer en die streeksorganisasies, naamlik ASEAN en SADC, dringend versoek om streng op te tree. Weens die diep-gewortelde nie-intervensie norm in beide Suidoos-Asië en Suider-Afrika het die menseregte situasie egter lank ernstig gebly. ASEAN het egter meer onlangs sterk standpunt ingeneem teenoor Myanmar. Maar SADC is nog steeds onwillig om te reageer op die menseregte vergrype in Zimbabwe. Die vraag is nou waarom hierdie twee streeksorganisasies so verskillend opgetree het. Die lidstate van ASEAN het ontspanne geraak en die nuwe menseregte norme aanvaar en die tradisionele nie-intervensie norm laat vaar, terwyl SADC lidstate nog hou by die nie-intervensie norm . In die soek na antwoorde, is die fokus van hierdie tesis op die proses van sosialisering wat beteken dat die akteurs nuwe norme wat deur die internasionale gemeenskap as geheel aanvaar word, aanneem. Die drie meganismes wat lei tot sosialisering, naamlik strategiese berekening, rol-speling en normatiewe oorreding, word bespreek. Die slotsom waartoe gekom word is dat streeksorganisasies ‘n rol kan speel in die oorreding van lidstate om die nuwe norm te aanvaar en dat die streeksorganisasies in die proses deur interaksie met ander internasionale organisasies en akteurs, self gesosialiseer word. Historiese agtergrond en veral die proses waardeur onafhanklikheid in die lande van Suider-Afrika verkry is, het die sosialisasie proses in die area beïnvloed. SADC lidstate se vryheidstryd teen kolonialisme en apartheid het sterk bande tussen lidstate gesmee en dit moeilik gemaak vir die leiers van die state om mekaar te kritiseer. Daar bestaan nie sulke sterk bande in Suidoos-Asië nie. Verder is daar in Suidoos-Asië aktiewe interaksie met ander organisasies soos die Europese Unie en met nie-regerings organisasies. Dus is hulle meer ontvanklik vir menseregte norms. Op hulle beurt is die streeksorganisasies ook gesosialiseer en het hulle ontspanne genoeg geraak om af te sien van die nie-intervensie norm. Die groeiende middelklas het ook geïnteresseerd geraak in die menseregte situasie in hulle eie en in die buurlande. Dit is die faktore wat gelei het tot die verskillende reaksies van ASEAN en SADC tot die menseregte vergrype in hulle onderskeie streke.
29

Holes in the Historical Record: The Politics of Torture in Great Britain, the United States, and Argentina, 1869-1977

Chediak, Lynsey 01 January 2014 (has links)
While many politicians gain national or international acclaim, domestic political activists are rarely remembered for their dedication and, similarly, their sufferings. More specifically, the acts of female political activists, and the harsh punishments they endure following government pushback, are not appreciated or acknowledged by popular histories. Across Great Britain, the United States, and Argentina, three women played crucial roles in advancing reform against unjust government policies. Josephine Butler (1828-1906) was a pivotal character in repealing laws allowing for the government regulation of prostitution, the Contagious Diseases Acts, in Great Britain. Similarly, Alice Paul (1885-1997) was essential in achieving the ratification of the Nineteenth Constitutional Amendment in the United States—granting universal suffrage. Lastly, Azucena Villaflor (1924-1977) was one of the first people, man or woman, to openly oppose the Junta dictatorship in Argentina and openly advocate for the release of information on desaparecidos. Despite advancing such important policy reform, all three women increasingly faced physical suffering, torture or death at the hands of their respective state governments. Amid a lack of media coverage or biased, partial media coverage paired with the direct confrontation of male government leaders, noncombatant activists were unjustly treated in violation of their fundamental human rights. Progressive, forceful voices for positive change are consistently dismissed as crazy, extreme or irrational, rather than praised for their efforts. In exploring the cycle of violence surrounding the treatment of political activists, it appears nationalist histories are often void of past government faults.
30

[en] DEMILITARIZING THE POLICE IN TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE: DISARTICULATING OLD GEARS / [pt] DESMILITARIZAÇÃO DA POLÍCIA NO CONTEXTO DA JUSTIÇA DE TRANSIÇÃO: DESARTICULANDO VELHAS ENGRENAGENS

NATALIA BALDESSAR MENEZES 07 June 2016 (has links)
[pt] O presente trabalho tem por objetivo defender a necessidade de reforma institucional da polícia brasileira como mecanismo essencial de justiça de transição e se afina com a fase moderna do projeto transicional que procura alinhar os mecanismos transicionais às necessidades das sociedades a que se destinam a fim de promover paz positiva, reconciliar, reduzir identidades sociais antagônicas, reconhecendo os efeitos materiais dos conflitos para buscar a exequibilidade do perdão. Partiremos do necessário reconhecimento do alto grau de militarização da sociedade brasileira promovido pelo especializado projeto de propaganda anticomunista e difusão da doutrina de segurança nacional em prol da inserção do Brasil no capitalismo global sob a liderança dos Estados Unidos. A transição democrática não será completa sem a destruição das engrenagens militarizadas que permitiram a tortura, o extermínio e abalaram o livre exercício de direitos políticos por cidadãos brasileiros. A presença militar na segurança pública interna, na gestão e controle da polícias militares é um ranço ditatorial que obstaculiza o desenvolvimento democrático da instituição policial em busca da proteção de minorias e do resguardo ao livre exercício de direitos fundamentais. A reforma da polícia tem por finalidade essencial conter a repetição de graves violações de direitos humanos perpetradas pela mão policial, a partir do reconhecimento de que identidades de grupo antagônicas – ontem comunistas, hoje populações negras e pardas marginalizadas – facilitam a concretização do projeto de segurança elitizado e de manutenção das desigualdades sociais na sociedade neoliberal. / [en] This study aims to defend the institutional reform of Brazilian police as a key mechanism of transitional justice, attuned to the modern phase of the transitional justice project that seeks to put together transitional mechanisms, and the needs of the society they are applied to, with the main purpose of promoting positive peace whilst reconciliation and reduce antagonistic social identities and recognizing the material effects of conflicts to achieve feasibility of forgiveness. It s necessary to recognize that Brazilian society is heavily militarized and that this militarization is a consequence of the specialized anti-communist propaganda and dissemination of national security doctrine promoted by the military government to effectively include Brazil in the global capitalism under the leadership of the United States. The transition to democracy will not be complete without the destruction of militarized gears that continuously facilitate torture, extermination and jolt the free exercise of political rights for Brazilian citizens. The military presence in the domestic public security, management and control of the military police is a dictatorial legacy that hinders the democratic development of the police institution in pursuing minority protection and safeguarding the free exercise of fundamental rights. The reform intends to contain the repetition of serious human rights violations perpetrated by the police, recognizing that antagonistic group identities - yesterday communist, today black and brown marginalized populations - facilitate the implementation of the elitist security project and maintenance of social inequalities in the neoliberal society.

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