The purpose of this dissertation was to explore how uninstitutionalised female preachers, or dā'iyāt, in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia construct authority in a context in which male ulama dominate the production of religious knowledge and represent the apex of the religious and social hierarchy. The study was broad, descriptive, and explanatory and drew primarily on the framework known as ‘accountable ethnography’. Data collection occurred between June and December 2009 and consisted of observations, interviews, and collection of literary artefacts, which were reviewed alongside literature published internationally. A flexible mode of inquiry was employed, partly in response to constraints on public religious discourse imposed in Saudi Arabia after September 11, 2001. The study concludes that the dā'iyāt construct authority predominantly by relying on male ulama as marji'iyya diniyya (religious frame of reference) when issuing fatwas, as pedagogical models, as sources of charismatic inspiration, and as providers of personal recommendations. The dissertation also addresses a set of 'alternate' strategies of authority construction employed by Dr Fāṭima Nasiīf. Almost uniquely, this dā'iyā is found to construct authority that goes beyond reproduction of institutionalised views by developing scholarly arguments to support interpretations of Islamic texts that are responsive to women’s perspectives and needs. In doing so, she expands the parameters of religiously permissible practice while remaining, for her part, within the confines of orthodox practice. Thus, although her society and most researchers perceive knowledge as a masculine attribute in the Saudi religious sphere, in matters relating to women, as well as through active leadership in ritual practice, Dr Fāṭima demonstrates that the dā'iyā can become the authority. Nevertheless, for her and for the other dā'iyāt, the study finds that legitimatising female religious authority depends upon maintaining the established social order, including the hierarchy that places women in a subordinate position to men.

Despite their similar size, material resources, shared geopolitical conditions and common history, the three Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania have pursued remarkably different policies towards Russia in the 1994-2010 period. Complex patterns of differentiation are evident across issue areas and over time. Given the static structural similarities between the Baltic states, how can we explain their divergent policies towards Russia and the change in these policies over time? This puzzle informs the central research question of this study: Why did Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian foreign policies towards Russia diverge in the 1994 to 2010 period? This work analyses the foreign policy of the Baltic states using typologies based on two axes: cooperative/adversarial and pragmatic/principled. Relying primarily on the liberal approach to international relations, the theoretical framework identifies six independent variables: the left/right political orientation of the government, instrumental usage of principled policies, the ethnic factor, business interests, membership in the EU and NATO, and, finally, Moscow’s own policies. It suggests that these factors played causal roles in determining Baltic policy towards Russia. Three case studies on the oil and gas sectors, as well as historical tensions, provide the empirical evidence to trace and explain the differentiated pathways of Baltic foreign policies. The empirical analysis provides evidence to argue that due to domestic political differences Lithuania pursued the most adversarial and principled policy towards Russia. Estonia, by way of contrast, pursued cooperative and pragmatic policies regarding energy issues. On political questions, however, it maintained a principled and adversarial stance, though this was less pronounced that that of Lithuania. Finally, Latvia pursued moderately principled and relatively adversarial energy policies placing it in between Lithuania and Estonia. With regard to history, Estonia’s and particularly Latvia’s policies experienced a notable evolution from adversarial and principled to more cooperative and pragmatic policies. In sum, this work demonstrates that the typologies of Baltic policies differed across sectors and experienced both divergence and at times convergence in rhetoric if not policies.

How can political science account for the decision of African states to strengthen their ties with China, often at the expense of other alliances and often in the face of economic risks? This thesis explores this question in the context of relations between Ethiopia and China, especially in the context of investments made by Chinese sovereign wealth funds in the Ethiopian economy. To begin to answer this question this thesis recasts the China-Africa debate to focus on African, i.e. Ethiopian, agency. The focus is on how Ethiopia's political leaders make foreign policy decisions and on the factors that shape their preferences. This focus reveals the influence of cognitive variables on their foreign policy decisions; the influence of their guiding ideology, 'revolutionary democracy,' is especially key. An analysis of Ethiopia's formal institutions demonstrates they are inadequate to explain the policy choices of Ethiopian leaders; they have been designed to reflect the concepts of revolutionary democracy. Using the language of prospect theory, a descriptive theory of decision-making under risk, this thesis contends that Ethiopian leaders select foreign policy options by weighing their possible outcomes as gains or losses relative to revolutionary democracy as their reference frame. Ethiopian leaders sanctioned China's finance of the Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation despite the monopoly it gave to China and its impact on Ethiopia's debt. They formed a front company between Ethiopia and China's military industrial complexes despite its negative effects on economic development. They opened Ethiopia’s regions to Chinese capital although capital flows only to state-owned enterprises. Yet in each case, ideological objectives were advanced. This examination demonstrates how non-structural factors play a critical role in a bureaucratized state. Theoretical frameworks that account for these factors, like prospect theory, are therefore valuable to more robust understandings of Ethiopia, and Africa's, deepening relations with China.

Le stéréotype, représentation caricaturale sur un groupe social, est dénoncé tout le temps mais présent partout. Les diverses productions culturelles auxquelles nous sommes quotidiennement confrontés, des émissions télévisées aux articles politiques, du discours quotidien aux films hollywoodiens, participent à reproduire ces représentations caricaturales. La persistance de certaines représentations, non perçues comme stéréotypées, participent à des processus de stéréotypification : par leur récurrence et leur évidence, elles sont posées comme allant de soi, comme le reflet objectif d’une réalité tangible. Sous cette catégorisation qui est parfois questionnée dans la sphère publique, ce n’est pas la validité d’existence de ce classement qui est remise en cause mais la volonté d’appréhender le caractère véritable des qualités essentialistes de ce que l’on regroupe sous une étiquette. Or, le stéréotype, malgré sa capacité à revendiquer une universalité, est le fruit d’un travail culturel, historiquement et politiquement construit. De fait, le stéréotype est un vecteur hégémonique qui peut traduire des tendances idéologiques dominantes sous-jacentes à son expression : il incarne la façon dont sont légitimées et naturalisées ces représentations à un moment donné et dans une conjoncture particulière. Je tenterai de définir théoriquement dans ce mémoire le stéréotype au sein du discours social et plus particulièrement au sein des mediacultures. J’investiguerai sa circulation, son caractère politique, son incidence normative et, par corrolaire, sa fonction hégémonique. Puis, à l’aide d’une analyse intertextuelle critique, je tenterai empiriquement de discerner les stéréotypes et les idéologies qui les sous-tendent au sein de trois comédies romantiques hollywoodiennes. A partir de l’observation de ces productions culturelles de divertissement, ce travail m’amènera à dégager deux idéologies prégnantes - l’idéologie capitaliste et l’idéologie patriarcale -; sous-tendues par un ensemble d’autres idéologies qui, d’une façon ou d’une autre, rejoignent les principales : idéologie de la masculinité, de l’hétérosexualité, d’un idéal socio-économique, etc. / Stereotypes, caricatural representions about social groups, are always denounced, still present everywhere. The diverse cultural productions surrounding us everyday, from tv shows to politic articles, from everyday life discourse to hollywood movies, contribute to reproduce these caricatural representations. This persistence of certain representations – unperceived as stereotypical – participate in stereotypical process : by their recurrence and supposedly evident nature, they seem taken-for-granted, as an objective mirror of a tangible reality. Even if this categorisation is sometimes questionned, it is not the nature of this classification that is called into question but which essentialist qualities, which true inherent characteristics, should be enumerate under this label. Yet, the characteristics presented by the stereotype are not universal : this is the work of an ongoing, historical, cultural and political construction. Thus, the stereotype is an hegemonic vehicule which translates ideological trends underlying its expression : it embodies the ways by which are legitimized and naturalized these representations in a specific context. In this paper, I shall define theoretically the stereotypes and probe how function their underlying ideologies within social discourse, and more precisely within mediacultures. I shall investigate their political nature, normative impacts and ideological functions. Then, using a critical intertextual approach, I will try to detect empirically which stereotypes and ideologies are pregnant in three hollywood romantic comedies. From the observation of this cultural prouctions of entertainment, I will extricate two main ideologies : one capitalistic and one patriarchal; which will lead to underline other underneath but linked ideologies of heterosexuality, masculinity, socio-economic ideal, etc.

This thesis analyses the responses of Irish writers and painters to a phase of national self-assertion that had arguably lost its liberating potential. It shows how the exhaustion of revolutionary pressures in Ireland after independence complicates the ties between creative activity and political activism. Drawing on a wide range of scholarship within political theory, literary criticism and art history, I chart an emerging network of literary and artistic techniques that confronts the representational aesthetics of the nation with strategies of paradox, reversal and renewal. My readings of the work of Denis Devlin, Samuel Beckett, James Joyce, Mainie Jellett, Jack Butler Yeats and, in particular, Thomas McGreevy, provide a means by which to distinguish other cultural possibilities that were imagined and pursued from 1922 to 1941, including McGreevy’s own aspiration to remould 'A Cultural Irish Republic'. The thesis argues that Ireland's political and artistic avant-garde were forcibly divided during this period: two factions that had been split apart by the effects of civil war and censorship. As such it will be preoccupied with a central question: how to sustain cultural strategies of revolutionary significance when the frontier between creative activity and political activism can no longer be straightforwardly crossed.

This thesis uses the evidence for a wide range of phenomena relating to the exile of citizens, by judicial decision or through stasis, to investigate the political cultures of Greek poleis in the period c. 404-146 BC: the fundamental ideas about citizenship which were in circulation in poleis in that period. Political communication in the context of exile phenomena forced citizens to make explicit their fundamental assumptions about the criteria for civic inclusion and exclusion and about the extent and basis of civic obligation. Analysis of surviving evidence for that communication thus offers unique insights into prominent Greek ideas about citizenship. This method is applied, in chapters 1 and 2, to laws and discussions relating to, first, lawful expulsion and exclusion and, second, civic reconciliation and the reintegration of exiles; and, in chapters 3 and 4, to the political rhetoric, organisation and ideas of participants in exclusionary stasis and of exiled citizens. Wherever possible, ancient Greek philosophers’ arguments, rhetoric and assumptions are compared with those of non-philosophers. Study of the four different bodies of evidence suggests that most poleis’ political cultures were distinguished by their extremes, paradoxes, indeterminacies and contradictions. In particular, many poleis’ political cultures included very significant, radical norms of civic voluntarism, encouraging citizens to exercise extensive voluntary initiative in political contexts. Moreover, most poleis political cultures were dominated by two coexisting, radically opposed basic paradigms of the good polis and of good citizenship: these are defined in the introduction and chapter 1 as a ‘unitarian teleological communitarian’ paradigm and a ‘libertarian contractarian’ paradigm. In addition to revealing fundamental ideas of citizenship, some of the exile evidence enables study of the effects of those ideas in practice in this period: citizens’ political choices, claims and behaviour in relevant periods of stress, such as a bout of exclusionary stasis or a spell of political agitation while in exile, represent a well-defined and revealing case-study of the multiple, competing effects of those ideas on political interaction. It is argued that the exile evidence suggests that the same fundamental ideas of citizenship were conducive both to civic stability and flourishing and to destructive civic unrest.

A perennial question amongst social movement strategists is to what extent movements can use the tools of the system they are struggling against in their efforts to change that system. Whilst this debate traditionally distinguishes between two camps – radical and reformist approaches – this thesis investigates one movement that breaks this mould. The thesis uses the example of Bolivia's Landless Peasants' Movement (MST) to intervene into renewed theoretical discussion about the possibilities and perils for such movements of using the legal system in the pursuit of systemic social change. Through its tactic of land occupation, the MST breaks the law by occupying unused land on large estates, whilst also invoking other laws stipulating that unused land must be redistributed to those who will work it. The thesis situates the MST's approach to law in the context of an intensified process of juridification in the neoliberal period, through which the logic and language of law increasingly have come to structure political debate and dissent, creating particular pressures for radical movements to engage with the law. Yet it also suggests that movements like the MST have developed subversive ways of engaging the law in response. By examining the MST's tactic as it interacts with this broader context of intensified juridification, the thesis clarifies and nuances the theoretical discussion by identifying how the particular conditions of political mobilisation in the neoliberal period bear on this theoretical debate. Moreover, by examining specifically how this movement's approach to law is differentiated from traditional radical and reformist approaches, and from other attempts to combine the two, the thesis reveals further potential options for radical movements seeking to engage the law. The thesis ultimately suggests that the transformative potential of law may not lie in employing the content of individual laws but in strategic manipulations of the contradictions inherent in the liberal legal form.

The historical era between 1850 and 1950 is known to be a turbulent period reflected not only in adult literature but also in the texts written for children. This unusually rich period in terms of political, social and ideological development certainly influenced most parts of the world. However, it was particularly important for England mainly for the transition of the Victorian era and Edwardian period to the modern history initiated by the WW I. Throughout this period many new ideologies arose and scientific discoveries were more numerous than ever. In 1859, for instance, Darwin's On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection was published and initiated the still on-going war period between Christianity and science. At the same time, the concept of childhood started to be understood in a different way and books written for children became a common commodity converting the end of 18th century in the Golden Age of children's literature. However, according to Peter Hunt's publication Understanding Children's Literature, 'all texts are inevitably infused by ideologies'. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is firstly, to study the way in which ideologies are incorporated in the texts for children (overt or covert) and secondly, the extent to which the texts for children become a vehicle of...

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:53:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alejandro Lorenzetti.pdf: 3597745 bytes, checksum: 2a9c81e249205ef95f46fb964a88e1a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work aims to describe the current status of the Inter-cultural at the Frontier Schools Program (PEIF) in schools in the cities of Santo Tomé (Argentina) and São Borja (Brazil), and to understand the effects of the implementation of this Linguistic Policy in this region, having by general objective to understand the place of languages at the PEIF. For this, we conducted a field study in four schools, two on each side of the border, during two years in which we traveled collecting documents, photographs, recording numerous interviews and video records, and accompanying teachers in training activities and some classes. We construct a theoretical framework linked to Applied Linguistics, articulating the discussions about culture, globalization and postcoloniality with Ethnography, Linguistic Policy, and the contributions of dialogical discourse analysis (ADD) of Bakhtin's Circle. From this conjunction was born the organization "by layers" of this text, and the analysis "from top to bottom" proposed by the Circle. In the first layer (introduction) we present the research and a historical course of more than a decade of PEIF. We also review and present a brief analysis of the academic productions that focus on this Program, specifically Brazilian theses and dissertations, aiming to insert this work in an academic context whose constitution is also part of the history of the object of study. From this set we obtained some conclusions that later integrate our general analysis. In the second layer (first chapter) we make a historical presentation of the formation of the field of Linguistic Policies as a political and scientific-academic subject, guided by three authors: Ricento (2000) Spolsky (2004) and Johnson (2013). We link PL with PEIF and present issues related to bilingualism, Linguistic Ideologies (IL) and Inter-comprehension between languages. In the third layer (second chapter) we problematize frontiers in the new context. Using the theoretical framework of postcoloniality (APPADURAI, 2004; BABHA, 2006; G. CANCLINI, 1989, 1997; SILVA, 2012) we introduce the questions related to hybrid cultures and identities, to national identities, and especially to the panorama of the studied region through the concept of ideolandscape. The fourth layer (third chapter) develops the ethnographic methodology, supported by Erickson (1985) and Blommaert and Jie (2006) and we briefly present dialogic discourse analysis (ADD) (VOLOSHINOV, 2006). The fifth layer (fourth chapter) concentrates the discussion of the data constructed from the field experience, through the ADD, generating categories of analysis. It is here that, in the voices of protagonists, the different operations of the IL, the effects of the PL and the conflicts arising from the different conceptions operating in the teachers and institutions involved appear. A sixth layer contains the conclusions of the paper, which summarize a history of good political intentions, institutional conflicts, deletions, and historical and emotional ties between the protagonists, the actors who wrote an important chapter in frontier integration and education at the frontiers. / Este trabalho visa descrever a atualidade do andamento do Programa Escolas Interculturais de Fronteira (PEIF) em escolas das cidades de Santo Tomé (Argentina) e São Borja (Brasil), e compreender os efeitos da implementação desta Política Linguística (PL) nessa região, tendo por objetivo geral compreender qual o lugar das línguas no (PEIF). Para isso, realizamos um estudo de campo em quatro escolas, duas em cada lado da fronteira, durante dois anos em que viajamos coletando documentos, fotografias, registrando numerosas entrevistas e video filmagens, e acompanhando professoras em jornadas de formação e algumas aulas.Construimos um referencial teórico ligado à Linguística Aplicada, articulando as discussões sobre cultura, globalização e pós-colonialidade com a etnografia, a Política Linguística, e os aportes da análise dialógica do discurso (ADD) do Circulo de Bakhtin. Dessa conjunção nasceu a organização “por camadas” deste texto, e a análise “de cima para abaixo” proposta pelo Circulo. Na primeira camada (introdução) apresentamos a pesquisa e um percurso histórico de mais de uma década do PEIF. Também resenhamos e apresentamos um breve análise das produções acadêmicas que focam neste Programa, específicamente teses e dissertações brasileiras, visando inserir este trabalho num contexto acadêmico cuja constituição também faz parte da história do objeto de estudo. Desse conjunto obtivemos algumas conclusões que mais tarde integram nossa análise geral. Na segunda camada (primeiro capítulo) fazemos uma apresentação histórica da formação do campo das Políticas Linguísticas como disciplina política e científico acadêmica, guiados por três autores: Ricento (2000) Spolsky (2004) e Johnson (2013). Vinculamos a PL com o PEIF e apresentamos questões relativas ao bilinguismo, as Ideologias Linguísticas (IL) e a Intercompreensão entre línguas. Na terceira camada (segundo capítulo) problematizamos as fronteiras no novo contexto. Utilizando o arcabouço teórico da pós-colonialidade (APPADURAI, 2004; BABHA, 2006; G. CANCLINI, 1989, 1997; SILVA, 2012) introduzimos as questões relativas às culturas e identidades híbridas, às identidades nacionais e especialmente traçamos o panorama da região estudada por meio do conceito de ideopaisagem. A quarta camada (terceiro capítulo) desenvolve a metodologia, de cunho etnográfico, apoiados em Erickson (1985) e Blommaert e Jie (2006) e apresentamos brevemente a análise dialógica de discurso (ADD) (VOLOSHINOV, 2006). A quinta camada (quarto capítulo) concentra a discussão dos dados construídos a partir da experiência de campo, por meio da ADD, gerando categorias de análise. É ali que aparecem, nas vozes de protagonistas, as diferentes operações das IL, os efeitos da PL e os conflitos decorrentes das diferentes conceições operando nos docentes e nas instituições envolvidas. Uma sexta camada contém as conclusões do trabalho, que resumem uma história de boas intenções políticas, conflitos institucionais, apagamentos, e laços históricos e emocionais entre os protagonistas, os agentes que escreveram um capítulo importante na integração fronteiriça e na educação nas fronteiras.

Submitted by Angela Maria de Oliveira (amolivei@uepg.br) on 2017-12-04T13:39:55Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Alexandra Nunes Santana.pdf: 3266918 bytes, checksum: 0c2ee69461ccdf68f33510b94a855de4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-04T13:39:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Alexandra Nunes Santana.pdf: 3266918 bytes, checksum: 0c2ee69461ccdf68f33510b94a855de4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-10 / O livro didático é uma parte fundamental do fazer pedagógico nas escolas brasileiras e, muitas vezes; “constitui o centro do processo de ensino-aprendizagem em todos os graus de ensino, com ênfase no ensino fundamental e médio” (CORACINI, 1999). É importante ressaltar que, ao escolher um livro didático, o professor poderá estar concordando com conceitos, com uma filosofia de ensino, com ideologias, ou seja, com visões de mundo e perspectivas teóricas mobilizadas pelos autores do livro. No caso do professor de língua portuguesa, a escolha do livro didático implica a adoção de ideologias linguísticas, ou seja, concordância com as concepções de língua aí veiculadas e de como se dá o processo de ensino/aprendizagem da língua. Assim, considerando a relevância do livro didático no fazer pedagógico, um dos objetivos dessa pesquisa é analisar a abordagem que determinados livros didáticos de língua portuguesa conferem à variação linguística; mais especificamente, o foco recai sobre a coleção “Português Linguagens”, (CEREJA; MAGALHÃES, 2012) do Ensino Fundamental II, aprovada pelo PNLD 2014. Também é objetivo deste estudo analisar a prática pedagógica de dois profissionais em relação ao uso do livro didático em sala de aula e ao tratamento dispensado à variação linguística, uma vez que se entende que os modos de tratar a variação no ensino configuram políticas linguísticas efetuadas no/pelo material didático e no/pelo fazer docente. Esses objetivos integram o objetivo geral: investigar e analisar as ideologias e políticas linguísticas no ensino de língua portuguesa no que se refere ao tratamento da variação linguística. Quanto à metodologia, a pesquisa apresentada neste trabalho se configura como uma pesquisa qualitativa de cunho etnográfico, pois observa práticas pedagógicas situadas, que ocorrem dentro de duas salas de aula. Neste trabalho, visito alguns estudiosos, como Bagno (2013, 2014), Coracini (1999), Chamma (2007), Geraldi (2009), Silva (1996), Pessoa (2009), Silva, (1996); Tilio (2006 e 2013), Tagliani (2011), Lajolo (1996), Gottheim (2013); e Lopes Pereira (2013), para o estudo do livro didático de línguas; Eagleton (2011), para subsidiar a reflexão sobre cultura; e Woolard (1998), Kroskity (2004) e Milroy (2011), para a reflexão sobre ideologias linguísticas. Em relação à linguagem, baseio-me, principalmente, nas postulações do Círculo de Bakhtin, entre outros autores que contribuem para a pesquisa. Com base na análise dos livros, nas aulas observadas e na literatura citada neste trabalho, pude concluir que a ideologia da padronização está presente nas salas de aulas e que as políticas linguísticas efetuadas pelo/a docente levam à valorização da norma-padrão. Por isso, é fundamental repensar o que chamamos de português no século XXI (MOITA LOPES, 2013) - consequentemente, os demais conceitos que contribuam para um tratamento que desconsidere as instáveis relações sociais de modo que contribua para práticas pedagógicas reflexivas em relação às políticas linguísticas e ideologias linguísticas que estão envolvidas no processo de ensino/aprendizagem de línguas. / The didactic book is a fundamental part of the pedagogical practice in Brazilian schools and, sometimes, “it constitutes the center of the teaching-learning process in all levels of education, particularly in the basic school and high school” (CORACINI, 1999). It is important to emphasize that, in choosing a didactic book, teachers may be agreeing with concepts, with a philosophy of teaching, with ideologies, that is, with world views and theoretical perspectives used by the authors of the book. In the case of the Portuguese language teacher, a choice of the textbook implies an adoption of linguistic ideologies, that is, an agreement with the conceptions of language and of new forms of teaching and learning the language. Thus, considering the relevance of the didactic book in the making of the pedagogical practice, one of the objectives of this research is to analyze the approach the textbooks of Portuguese language confer to the linguistic variation; more specifically, the focus is on a collection called “Português Linguagens”, (CEREJA; MAGALHÃES, 2012) for Elementary School II, approved by the PNLD 2014. Also the objective of this analytical study is the pedagogical practice of two professionals in relation to the use of the book in the classroom and the treatment they give to linguistic variation, since it is understood that the ways of treating linguistic variation are implied in linguistic policies made in/by the didactic material and in the/by the teacher. These objectives integrate the general objective: to investigate and analyze ideologies and linguistic policies in the teaching of the Portuguese language as far as linguistic variation is concerned. As for the methodology, this study was developed as a qualitative research from an ethnographic perspective, because it observes situated pedagogical practices that occur within two classrooms. In this paper, I take into consideration the ideas of some scholars such as: Corinini (1999), Chamma (2007), Geraldi (2009), Silva (1996), Pessoa (2009), Silva, (1996); Tilio (2006 and 2013), Tagliani (2011), Lajolo (1996), Gottheim (2013); and Lopes Pereira (2013), for the study of the textbook of languages; Eagleton (2011), to support the reflection on culture; and Woolard (1998), Kroskity (2004) and Milroy (2011), for a reflection on linguistic ideologies. In relation to language, I am based mainly on the Bakhtin Circle postulations, among other authors who also contribute to the research. Based on the analysis of the books, the classes observed and the literature quoted in the work, I was able to conclude that the ideology of standardization is present in the classrooms and that the linguistic policies carried out by the teacher lead to the valueing of the standard language. Therefore, it is fundamental for us to rethink what we call Portuguese in the XXI century (MOITA LOPES, 2013) – and consequently, the other concepts which contribute to a treatment that disregards the unstable social relations in a way which contributes to reflective pedagogical practices in relation to linguistic policies and linguistic ideologies which are involved in the process of teaching/learning languages.