Previous studies on nonnative English speaker teachers (NNESTs) (Reyes & Medgyes, 1994; Samimy & Brutt-Griffler, 1999; Llurda, 2008; Rajagopalan, 2005) and publications in World Englishes (WEs), English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) and English as an international language (EIL), have analyzed and documented how prevailing ideologies rooted in "the myth of the native speaker" (Pennycook, 1994; Canagarajah, 1999; Kramsch, 2000), "the native speaker fallacy" (Phillipson, 1992) and associated ideologies generate discrimination and affect students and teachers' sense of self-worth. By making use of telecollaboration to determine how L1 Spanish speaking Colombian EFL pre-service teachers' interactions with U.S. heritage Spanish speakers (HSSs) influence the Colombian future teachers' self-perceptions as (non) native speakers and future teachers, this study responds to scholars' concerns to diversify the scope of explorations on NNESTs (Samimy & Kurihara, 2008; Llurda, 2008). Examining the ideological side of the native vs. non-native speaker dichotomy in telecollaboration, this research seeks to reverse the tendency to study interactants' exchanges mainly as a language feedback process through which "native speakers" support those who are not native speakers. Under an overarching qualitative phenomenological case study research design, the first article's pre-assessment of participants' self-perceptions of (non) nativeness found that the myth of the native speaker, the native speaker fallacy and associated ideologies permeated participants' self-images as language speakers and prospective teachers. Nevertheless, their ongoing education and the perceived benefits of becoming skillful language users contrasted with the harmful effects of these ideologies. Based on findings in the first article, the second study determined that in adopting meaning making abilities as their center of interest in telecollaboration, most participants focused less on the achievement of idealized native speaker abilities. Their interaction with U.S. peers generated confidence in their use of English, self-criticism of their skills in Spanish and a tendency to embrace the idea that they could succeed as English teachers. The intercultural and sociocultural nature of telecollaboration as a potential resource to leverage Colombian prospective teachers' self-perceptions constitutes the core of the last manuscript. Cooperative relationships with U.S. peers provided participants affective and knowledge-based resources to build more favorable views of themselves, attitudes to confront the detrimental effects of nativespeakership ideologies, and informed judgments to dismantle them. The pedagogical implications section discusses the need to revise the current EFL perspective providing the framework for English language teaching and learning in Colombia, avenues for strengthening students' ideological literacy through telecollaborative tasks and the potential integration of telecollaboration in the language teacher education curriculum as a means to increase participants' linguistic, intercultural and pedagogical abilities, and to cultivate more favorable self-images.

This dissertation investigates the development of progressive Christianity. It explores the ways in which progressive Christian churches in Canada adopt biblical criticism and popular theology. Contributing to the anthropology of Christianity, this study is primarily an ethnographic and linguistic analysis that juxtaposes contemporary conflicts over notions of the Christian self into the intersecting contexts of public discourse, contending notions of the secular and congregational dynamics. Methodologically, it is based upon two-and-a-half years of in-depth participant observation research at five churches and distinguishes itself as the first scholarly study of progressive Christianity in North America. I begin this study by outlining the historical context of skepticism in Canadian Protestantism and arguing that skepticism and doubt serve as profoundly religious experiences, which provide a fuller framework than secularization in understanding the experiences of Canadian Protestants in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In doing so, I draw parallels between the ways that historical and contemporary North American Christians negotiate the tensions between their faith and biblical criticism, scientific empiricism and liberal morality. Chapter Two seeks to describe the religious, cultural and socio-economic worlds inhabited by the progressive Christians featured in this study. It focuses on the worldviews that emerge out of participation in what are primarily white, middle-class, liberal communities and considers how these identity-markers affect the development and lived experiences of progressive Christians. My next three chapters explore the ways that certain engagements with text and the performance or ritualization of language enable the development of a distinctly progressive Christian modality. Chapter Three investigates progressive Christian textual ideologies and argues that the form of biblical criticism that they employ, along with entrenched concerns about the origins of the Christian faith ultimately, leads to a rejection of the biblical narrative. Chapter Four examines the ways in which progressive Christians understand individual 'deconversion' narratives as contributing to a shared experience or way of being Christian that purposefully departs from evangelical Christianity. The final chapter analyses rhetoric of the future and argues that progressive Christians employ eschatological language that directs progressive Christians towards an ultimate dissolution.

This dissertation investigates the development of progressive Christianity. It explores the ways in which progressive Christian churches in Canada adopt biblical criticism and popular theology. Contributing to the anthropology of Christianity, this study is primarily an ethnographic and linguistic analysis that juxtaposes contemporary conflicts over notions of the Christian self into the intersecting contexts of public discourse, contending notions of the secular and congregational dynamics. Methodologically, it is based upon two-and-a-half years of in-depth participant observation research at five churches and distinguishes itself as the first scholarly study of progressive Christianity in North America. I begin this study by outlining the historical context of skepticism in Canadian Protestantism and arguing that skepticism and doubt serve as profoundly religious experiences, which provide a fuller framework than secularization in understanding the experiences of Canadian Protestants in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In doing so, I draw parallels between the ways that historical and contemporary North American Christians negotiate the tensions between their faith and biblical criticism, scientific empiricism and liberal morality. Chapter Two seeks to describe the religious, cultural and socio-economic worlds inhabited by the progressive Christians featured in this study. It focuses on the worldviews that emerge out of participation in what are primarily white, middle-class, liberal communities and considers how these identity-markers affect the development and lived experiences of progressive Christians. My next three chapters explore the ways that certain engagements with text and the performance or ritualization of language enable the development of a distinctly progressive Christian modality. Chapter Three investigates progressive Christian textual ideologies and argues that the form of biblical criticism that they employ, along with entrenched concerns about the origins of the Christian faith ultimately, leads to a rejection of the biblical narrative. Chapter Four examines the ways in which progressive Christians understand individual 'deconversion' narratives as contributing to a shared experience or way of being Christian that purposefully departs from evangelical Christianity. The final chapter analyses rhetoric of the future and argues that progressive Christians employ eschatological language that directs progressive Christians towards an ultimate dissolution.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Sheri S. Tepper, one of the most prolific feminist science fiction writers, uses her novels to address humanity‟s ignorance about, and indifference towards, various social, gender and environmental issues, and in so doing, she attempts to rectify these issues by creating an awareness of them. Her novels generally focus on four main issues: motherhood, both as ideology and experience; the essentialized nature and acceptance of the superiority of masculinity; the influence of religions, traditions and ideologies; and an ever-increasing concern for environmental preservation. These issues are all interlinked in her novels. Though some of her works have received critical attention, most notably The Gate to Women’s Country (1988) and Gibbon’s Decline and Fall (1996), most have received little. I will present a critical analysis of Tepper‟s Grass (1989) – a novel which has received some critical attention – and The Fresco (2000) – a novel which has received very little critical attention. Although these novels deal with the same issues, they do so in different ways: Grass is a much more layered critique of modern society, whereas The Fresco is a rather blatant critique and the passionate voice of its author filters through more prominently than in Grass. I will be examining Tepper‟s portrayal of motherhood, masculinity and the influence of ideologies, religions and traditions in both of these novels. Although there will not be a section devoted to Tepper‟s environmental views, these will be highlighted within the other sections. Tepper ultimately stands for women‟s rights to opt for motherhood as a free choice. She also insists that ideologies, religions and traditions – society‟s oppressive straitjackets – should adapt to modernity, and that the acceptance of masculinity as the dominant gender be destabilized. Rectifying these problems, in Tepper‟s view, would also lead to the preservation of the environment for future generations. In my conclusion I address the most frequent critique directed against Tepper‟s work, namely that her novels are repetitive with regard to thematic content, by suggesting that her work is repetitive because she feels the need to reiterate the same issues in her novels, to indicate that the same societal problems of the past are still prevalent. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sheri S. Teper, een van die vernaamste feminis-wetenskapfisksie skryfsters, gebruik haar romans om die mensdom se onkunde oor, en onverskilligheid teenoor, verskeie sosiale-, geslags- en omgewingskwessies aan te spreek in „n poging om hierdie kwessies op te los deur mense meer bewus te maak van die kwessies. Haar romans fokus gewoonlik op vier hoof kwessies wat aan mekaar verbind is: moederskap, beide as ideologiese en fisiese ervaring; die genoodsaakte aanvaarding van manlikheid as die dominante geslag; die invloed van gelowe, tradisies, en ideologieë op die samelewing; en „n toenemende besorgheid oor die bewaring van die omgewing. Alhoewel sommige van haar romans kritiese aandag ontvang het, in besonder The Gate to Women’s Country (1988) en Gibbon’s Decline and Fall (1996), het die meeste baie min kritiese aandag ontvang. Ek beoog dus om twee van Tepper se romans, Grass (1989) en The Fresco (2000), krities te ontleed. Alhoewel Grass ietwat meer kritiese aandag ontvang het, het The Fresco byna geen kritiese aandag ontvang nie. Beide die romans spreek dieselfde kwessies aan, maar in verskillende maniere: Grass is a baie meer subtiele kritiek van die moderne samelewing, terwyl The Fresco „n baie meer flagrante kritiek is en die passievolle stem van die outeur is baie meer opmerklik in diè roman. Ek beoog om Tepper se uitbeelding van moederskap, manlikheid en die invloed van ideologieë, gelowe en tradisies in beide hierdie romans ondersoek. Hoewel daar nie „n spesifieke seksie gaan wees wat opgedra is aan die ondersoek van Tepper se omgewingsboodskap nie, sal dit tog uitgelig word in ander seksies. Daar sal gewys word dat Tepper vir die regte van vroue staan om moederskap vrylik te kan kies. Sy beveel ook aan dat dat ideologieë, gelowe en tradisies moet aan pas by die vereistes van moderne samelewing, en dat die aanvaarding van manlikheid as die dominante geslag omgekeer moet word. Deur hierdie probleme reg te maak, in Tepper se opinie, sal dit lei tot die bewaring van die omgewing vir toekomstige generasies. In my gevolgtrekking spreek ek een van die algemeenste kritieke teen Tepper se romans aan, naamlik dat die tematiese inhoud herhalend is. Ek voel dat die werklike probleem is dat Tepper dit nodig ag om dieselfde kwessies uit te beeld, aangesien dit aan dui dat probleme van die verlede steeds voorkom in die huidige samelewing.

O tema da existência ou inexistência de uma filosofia política nietzschiana é recorrente nos meios acadêmicos, e é imensamente problemático desde a vinculação do nome do filósofo às ideologias fascistas da primeira metade do século XX. Especialmente a partir da segunda metade do século XX, a filosofia de Nietzsche tem sido trazida para os debates políticos, dessa vez como uma filosofia das grandes causas, daqueles que buscam a libertação do jugo dos grandes esquemas políticos da modernidade. O objetivo inicial desta dissertação é demonstrar que filosofia de Nietzsche não possui as características que permitam a sua assimilação pelo debate político. O próprio filósofo, reiteradamente, negou-se a ingressar no debate político de seu tempo, recusando-se a limitar seu exame da filosofia e suas reflexões às necessidades e clamores da plebe. Ele alertou para a dureza e radicalidade de seu pensamento, antecipando a vinculação de seu nome a coisas terríveis. Em vista disso, pretende-se levar a cabo nesta dissertação um exame da filosofia nietzschiana sob o ponto de vista da política, isto é, tentar ver se ao quadro geral da filosofia política pode-se juntar o pensamento de Nietzsche. Este exame deve ser feito levando-se em conta o amplo auditório ao qual se destinam os discursos políticos, o vínculo dos discursos políticos aos clamores da plebe, ou ao discurso de dominação. O objetivo final desta dissertação será demonstrar que fora do âmbito da filosofia, isto é, trazida para o seio do senso comum, a filosofia de Nietzsche, dado o caráter controvertido de suas asserções, acaba sendo presa fácil, mais uma vez, dos discursos de dominação e servindo aos piores propósitos. Corre-se o risco, outra vez, de se confirmar o vaticínio do filósofo quanto a sua vinculação a coisas terríveis. / The question about the existence or nonexistence of a Nietzschean political philosophy keeps recurring in academia and it is immensely problematic ever since the attachment of the philosophers name to the fascist ideologies of the first half of the twentieth century. Especially from the second half of the twentieth century onwards, Nietzsches philosophy has been brought to political debates, this time as the philosophy of great causes, of those yearning for liberation from the yoke of big political schemes of modernity. The initial aim of this dissertation is to demonstrate that Nietzsches philosophy does not have the features to allow its assimilation by the political debate. The philosopher himself repeatedly refused to enter the political debate of his time, refusing to constrain his reflections and philosophical views to the needs and cries of the rabble. He warned for the harshness and radical nature of his thought and forecasted the attachment of his name to terrible things. In light of this, this dissertation is to carry out an examination of the Nietzschean philosophy from the political stand point, that is, try to see if Nietzsches thought has a place in the general framework of political thought. This examination shall be done taking into account the wide audience to which political discourses are destined and the commitment of this thought to the cries of the rabble, or to the discourse of domination. The final aim of this dissertation is to demonstrate that displaced from the framework of philosophy, that is, brought to the bosom of common sense and due to the controversial nature of its assertions, Nietzsches philosophy, once again, ends up being an easy prey to the proposes of domination, serving the worst intentions. Once more, the philosophers prediction that his name would be attached to terrible things is running the risk of being confirmed.

The diploma thesis deals with the subject racism in education, in the subject upbringing to citizenship at the second degree of elementary school. The issue of racism during history, racialist theories, ideology and the current situation of the extremist movements in Czech Republic are described in the theoretical part. The practical part focuses on didactic processing of this topic and its teaching at the second degree of elementary school. The issue is taught at elementary schools in ČB, at ZŠ J. Š. Baara, ZŠ L. Kuby, ZŠ Máj 1. Within education these hypothesis are beeing verified: 1. Do students know the term racism and do they know how to define it? 2. Do students have prejudice against other races? The goal of the diploma thesis is to find out, how students apprehend racism and what is their relationship with other races.

En el marco de los estudios en el subgénero de los reparos o comentarios de diccionarios de provincialismos, este trabajo analiza las actitudes e ideología lingüísticas, desde un enfoque cognitivo, manifestadas por Andrés Bello en su comentario a las Correcciones lexigráficas, publicado de manera póstuma. Los reparos de Bello a Gormaz son un ejemplo de la desazón que el autor tenía por la pobreza idiomática percibida entre los escritores chilenos. / Within the studies of objections and comments to dictionaries of provincialisms, this paper analyzes, within a cognitive approach, the linguistic attitudes and ideologies that Andrés Bello show in his commentary to the Correcciones lexigráficas, posthumously published. Bello’s objections to Gormaz exemplify the despair the author felt about the idiomatic poverty among Chilenian writers.

The aim of the study is to examine how identity constructions and categorizations affecting individuals that are learning a second language are created in political documents in Sweden. Furthermore, the study inquires the paradoxical dilemma which occurs between the keyword integration which characterizes the discourse of Swedish politics and the way individuals who acquire a second language are referred to and described in parliamentary motions, and which linguistic ideologies as well as epistemologies that are behind these statements. The critical discourse analysis, the ideology criticism and the syntactic analysis form the basis for this study together with a qualitative approach. Study results has shown how the authors of parliamentary motions categorize and attributes individuals who acquire a second language specific identity constructions. Categorizations were created with imaginary boundaries between the swede/the Swedish and the immigrant/minority group. Individuals who acquire a second language were assigned identity constructions as invandrare (immigrant) and flykting (refugees) and these identity constructs attributed specific characteristics. Overall, the identity construction that was given the immigrant was often based on characteristics such as lack of swedish knowledge, in the absence of moral qualities, in the absence of motivation and sense of responsibility, lack of parenting, different values and norms than Swedish. The second identity construction that was not explicitly expressed in the parliamentary motions but still was present in the form of the achievable identity contruction that immigrants should aim for, was the identity construction as the swede/the Swedish. The identity construction ’Swedish’ implied implicit qualities such as knowledge in the swedish language, the correct moral qualities, good parenting and the right values and the right normsystem. Furthermore, the syntactic analysis showed that parliamentary motions were written in a specific way that positioned the central subject first in the process, those subjects were often those that could be characterized as Swedish or having the task to make the minority group Swedish. For example the Swedish as a second language education, laguage (in this case the Swedish langage), We (as in We – the majority group) and a language- and social test for naturalization. Based on the analysis and the conclusion it becomes obvious that the parliamentary motions are written from an ideology perspective which relies on homogenism.

Text in Afrikaans / The actuality of the pedagogical question concerning the role of ideology, values and norms in the life of man in general and education specifically stimulated the interest of the author and prompted her to examine the past in this respect. The contemporary image of ideology, values, norms, personal and global philosophies are looked at in this study. Particular attention is paid to the ideologies that developed from the Renaissance e.g. Humanistic oriented Realism, Rationalism and Naturalism. Certain role players are briefly referred to. The Communist Educational System influenced more than half of the human race over a period of seventy years resulting in a thorough investigation into this system. The influence of People's Education in education in general was also scrutinized. Because so many South Africans are adherents of Calvinism it was important that attention was paid to: The philosophy of Calvinism; What it entails; How it originated and its impact on South African Education. Particular reference was made to the role of Christian National Education. It is fairly generally accepted that a new period in history of the West in relation to values, norms and education is being entered into. The period discussion is more concerned with spiritual development, culture knowledge and religion of the human race than political and military power, although, the latter is not excluded. It was also necessary to take note of the influence of the New Age movement on values and norms. The study is concluded with the evaluation of ideology, values, norms, personal and global philosophies. Some of the most important conclusions arrived at are that these aspects are interwoven and that education is pertinently influenced by the values, norms, culture, personal and global philosophies of the individual, community and government. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Historiese Opvoedkunde)

O tema da existência ou inexistência de uma filosofia política nietzschiana é recorrente nos meios acadêmicos, e é imensamente problemático desde a vinculação do nome do filósofo às ideologias fascistas da primeira metade do século XX. Especialmente a partir da segunda metade do século XX, a filosofia de Nietzsche tem sido trazida para os debates políticos, dessa vez como uma filosofia das grandes causas, daqueles que buscam a libertação do jugo dos grandes esquemas políticos da modernidade. O objetivo inicial desta dissertação é demonstrar que filosofia de Nietzsche não possui as características que permitam a sua assimilação pelo debate político. O próprio filósofo, reiteradamente, negou-se a ingressar no debate político de seu tempo, recusando-se a limitar seu exame da filosofia e suas reflexões às necessidades e clamores da plebe. Ele alertou para a dureza e radicalidade de seu pensamento, antecipando a vinculação de seu nome a coisas terríveis. Em vista disso, pretende-se levar a cabo nesta dissertação um exame da filosofia nietzschiana sob o ponto de vista da política, isto é, tentar ver se ao quadro geral da filosofia política pode-se juntar o pensamento de Nietzsche. Este exame deve ser feito levando-se em conta o amplo auditório ao qual se destinam os discursos políticos, o vínculo dos discursos políticos aos clamores da plebe, ou ao discurso de dominação. O objetivo final desta dissertação será demonstrar que fora do âmbito da filosofia, isto é, trazida para o seio do senso comum, a filosofia de Nietzsche, dado o caráter controvertido de suas asserções, acaba sendo presa fácil, mais uma vez, dos discursos de dominação e servindo aos piores propósitos. Corre-se o risco, outra vez, de se confirmar o vaticínio do filósofo quanto a sua vinculação a coisas terríveis. / The question about the existence or nonexistence of a Nietzschean political philosophy keeps recurring in academia and it is immensely problematic ever since the attachment of the philosophers name to the fascist ideologies of the first half of the twentieth century. Especially from the second half of the twentieth century onwards, Nietzsches philosophy has been brought to political debates, this time as the philosophy of great causes, of those yearning for liberation from the yoke of big political schemes of modernity. The initial aim of this dissertation is to demonstrate that Nietzsches philosophy does not have the features to allow its assimilation by the political debate. The philosopher himself repeatedly refused to enter the political debate of his time, refusing to constrain his reflections and philosophical views to the needs and cries of the rabble. He warned for the harshness and radical nature of his thought and forecasted the attachment of his name to terrible things. In light of this, this dissertation is to carry out an examination of the Nietzschean philosophy from the political stand point, that is, try to see if Nietzsches thought has a place in the general framework of political thought. This examination shall be done taking into account the wide audience to which political discourses are destined and the commitment of this thought to the cries of the rabble, or to the discourse of domination. The final aim of this dissertation is to demonstrate that displaced from the framework of philosophy, that is, brought to the bosom of common sense and due to the controversial nature of its assertions, Nietzsches philosophy, once again, ends up being an easy prey to the proposes of domination, serving the worst intentions. Once more, the philosophers prediction that his name would be attached to terrible things is running the risk of being confirmed.