Cette thèse trace une généalogie discursive des débats sur les langues au Conseil de l'Europe. Au moyen d’une approche sociolinguistique des institutions internationales dans une perspective discursive, différents textes institutionnels produits entre 1949 à 2008 sont examinés dans leurs conditions de production sociohistoriquement situées. L’intérêt est porté sur la (dis)continuité des anciennes idéologies langagières dans la construction du discours sur la diversité linguistique et le plurilinguisme et sur la manière dont s’articulent sur le terrain discursif des langues, d’une part les idéologies des États-nations, en tant qu’entités indépendantes, et d’autre part, les idéologies du Conseil de l’Europe en tant qu’institution internationale fonctionnant sur la base d’une coopération interétatique. Cette thèse est une réflexion critique sur le discours de célébration et de valorisation du plurilinguisme et de la diversité linguistique, sur le rôle (du discours) des institutions internationales dans le contexte de la nouvelle économie globalisée et de l’internationalisation de la politique, et sur l’exercice du pouvoir symbolique au moyen des dispositifs institutionnels et discursifs. / This thesis traces a discursive genealogy of the language debates at the Council of Europe. Through a sociolinguistic and discursive approach to international institutions, different institutional texts produced between 1949 and 2008 are examined in their socio-historically situated conditions of production. The focus is on the (dis)continuity of old language ideologies in the construction of the discourse on linguistic diversity and plurilingualism and on the way the discourse on languages is a terrain which articulates, on the one hand, the ideologies of nation-states, as independent entities,and, on the other hand, the ideologies of the Council of Europe as an international institution that functions on the basis of interstate cooperation. This thesis is a critical reflection on the discourse of celebration and valorization of plurilingualism and linguistic diversity, on the role of (the discourse of) international institutions in the context of the globalized new economy and the internationalization of politics, and on the exercise of symbolic power by means of institutional and discursive apparatus.

This essays purpose is to study whether the political ideologies shift depending on the political level. For this purpose two political parties in Swedish parliament have been qualitative studied in a comparative analysis through the terms of social vision, outlook on mankind and economic organization.This study took its form when the authors found a study of Karlsson och Gilljam (2014), whom did a comparative quantitative study of the parties in parliament, asking the individual politicians in parliament, regions and in municipalities to take a stand on the left- and right scale by answering questions about economic organization, social vision and etc. This study gave a result that showed that the politicians of the municipalities had a more radical ideological view than their colleges in parliament. The hypothesis of this study started in the discussion whether politics in smaller scales, local governments and municipalities results in a shifting in ideology from the national manifest, due to the demands of cooperation with political parties with the opposite ideology in coalitions which is most common in Swedish municipalities in modern politics. This study hopes to add to the results from previous studies by comparing the written politics of the parties.This following study is analyzing the political party manifest from both local government and the national party programme/manifest from two political ideologies perspective, liberalism and socialism in a qualitive method. The two parties chosen for this study are both parties of parliament in Sweden since the election year of 2014 and can be found on different sides of the left- and right scale of political ideologies.The results of this essay show that there was no obvious ideological shift between the national and the local government level, though influences of the ideologies were found in both national and local level. This cannot give the conclusion that the ideological shift does not exist, but it may not show in this study. The ideological shift may occur in the daily politics but not in the political ideas written in the manifest.

Magister Artium - MA / English is the most widely spoken language in the world and for this reason it would be of advantage for everyone to learn it. This thesis reports on the language ideologies and attitudes of Francophone learners towards English in the Central Province of Cameroon, a central African country. It offers a critical examination of the different attitudes and motivations of Francophone learners towards English as a third language at secondary schools in the city of Yaoundé. It also presents the most important factors that appear to play a role in shaping their attitudes towards English, a language that many of the respondents appear to find hard to learn. Central to these factors are the prevailing language ideologies in Cameroon. / South Africa

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The aim of this thesis is to probe how Mozambican people were represented or constructed in the colonial and post-colonial periods through the columns of the Portuguese newspaper, ‘O Século de Joanesburgo’. The study examines a corpus of 58, 070 tokens (consisting of 100 articles, 50 for colonial and 50 for postcolonial periods), which were systematically selected from the political, sport, letters to the reader and editorial domains published from 1970 to 1980. The analytical framework for this study is threefold. It is informed by corpus linguistics (CL) as described by, amongst others, McEnery and Wilson (1996/2001) and Bennett (2010); critical discourse analysis (CDA), in particular the work of Van Dijk (1996; 2003), Wodak (1995; 2011) and Wodak and Meyer (2009) and multimodal discourse analysis (MDA) as used by Kress and van Leeuwen (1996; 1998; 2006), Kress (2010) and Machin and Mayr (2012)

Secessionist movements have been found historically on both sides of the political spectrum, and sometimes have tried to remain apolitical completely, but because of the rise of partisan politics, secessionism has inevitably become politicized. Variations in Western European secessionism can be noticed, and as such, explanations put forward may be deemed insufficient, or incomplete. In my thesis I tested the hypothesis that secessionism varied on the political spectrum because it has been consolidated against ideological Others (in Scotland against Thatcher’s Conservatives between 1974 and 1990). I tested this methodologically through process tracing and theoretically by looking at the consolidation of the Scottish National Party through reactive nationalism. Specifically I analyzed the nationalist discourse used to justify ideological positioning in the 1970s and 1980s in propaganda materials and archival documents, and if and how this ideological choice was reflected or interpreted in newspapers (for opinions on how this consolidation was perceived by the electorate).

Socio-economic processes have long underlined the value of language and ethno-linguistic categories in Canada. The Quiet Revolution, widely considered to be one such process, has resulted in the production of Quebec's English-speaking minority. Although recent studies pertaining to Quebec's English-speaking minority have largely focused on the construction of identity, little research has explored the perceived value of language. While Quebec City’s English-speaking minority is increasingly bilingual, figures suggest that its youth continues to migrate. Through a critical perspective, this thesis explores how Quebec City’s English-speaking minority is navigating the uneven distribution and rising value of bilingualism. Using a qualitative approach, I conducted 15 interviews with participants who attended an English-language high school in Quebec City. Results revealed that participants mobilized ethnic and economic language ideologies as a means to negotiate the value of their linguistic practices and that these language ideologies structured mobility and enabled participants to reposition themselves within a new linguistic market.

abstract: The present study aims to gain deeper insights into language attitudes in the educational context while contributing to the emerging field of advanced mixed, second language and heritage language (HL) courses. Considering that the majority of heritage language learners (HLLs) and second language learners (L2s) in the United States (US) are enrolled in mixed classrooms (Beaudrie, 2012; Carreira, 2016a, 2016b), the study of language attitudes regarding monolingual varieties, bilingual varieties, and L2 varieties is crucial to inform pedagogical best practices that serve both types of learners. Additionally, by analyzing the language attitudes of both types of students toward these three Spanish language varieties, this study demonstrates the importance of incorporating linguistic variation into the classroom to address the linguistic hierarchies that exist in such a context. Thus, the results are relevant to the fields of sociolinguistics, L2 and HL pedagogy. The study employs matched-guise tasks at two points during the semester, as well as end-term semi-structured interviews. As different linguistic components of a language trigger different attitudes, the findings show that native-like phonetic and phonological features of Spanish speakers afford positive attitudes, as do a formal lexicon and academic register. However, morphosyntactic features do not have any effect on forming an individual’s language attitudes. To illustrate, the results of the matched-guise tasks show that native and HL varieties were generally evaluated positively, while L2 varieties were evaluated negatively. Interviews revealed native-like accent and pronunciation as the detrimental cause of negative attitudes toward the L2 variety. In contrast to the phonetic/phonological evaluations made by participants, both HLLs and L2s did agree that L2s speak a “proper” and “professional” Spanish. Furthermore, heritage Spanish was described as the “least formal” and “incorrect” Spanish variety in comparison to the L2 variety due to dominant stereotypes and ideologies and the incorporation of lexical characteristics of US Spanish. Based on these findings, this study has the potential to make an invaluable contribution to understanding how language attitudes and instructional practices in the classroom context intersect with a social justice movement to improve mixed courses in a social, critical, and conscious way. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Spanish 2020

Magister Artium - MA / Media representations, embedded in reported media events, play a pivotal role in the propagation of beliefs, ideologies and establishing the status quo. The media events are given coverage by news reports on newsworthy topics, and in this case, politics. In this mini-dissertation, two particular media events, namely the Travel Ban instituted by President Donald Trump, and making Jerusalem the official capital of Israel, were analysed based on the different viewpoints writers portrayed on the same media events. Being contemporary political events related to the current President of America, it was evident that a standard news structure was common and spatial positioning of texts was a noticeable key feature of news report. The use of pronouns as the subject in headlines, including nominalisations, clause embedding and speech acts, clarified implicit and underlying meanings of the text. The linguistic choices made by the writers had a direct link to the text, which propagated Trump’s social and political ideologies positively and negatively based on these choices. The textual construct of four online news reports from four American-based newspapers presented both positive and negative revelations about Trump’s political aims. The stance of writers pronounced subjective views in three of the four the news reports. The contentious issue of Jerusalem proved to be sensitive one, in that the religious sensibilities played a major role in the dispute of Palestinian lands. The linguistic choices most utilised were non-cohesive use of grammar rules as opposed to other texts; linguistic techniques, such as the discourse of exclusion; and the choice of wording, particularly understood within the Political Discourse Analysis (PDA) framework.

abstract: This qualitative study follows an instructor and four Spanish Heritage Language (SHL) learners in an elementary-level, mixed Spanish course at a community college over the course of 11 class visits. In studying how language ideologies shape oral corrective feedback (oral CF) practices, data were collected through ethnographic observations (field notes, researcher memos), classroom audio recordings, and semi-structured interviews (student, teacher). Specifically, this study analyzes (1) language ideologies prevalent in the classroom context in relation to the conceptualization of errors, (2) the instructor’s goals for oral CF, (3) how the instructor provides oral CF and in what contexts, and (4) how the mixed class environment relates to oral CF. To do so, the data were analyzed via a bifocal approach in coding interview and classroom discourse (Razfar, 2003) and engaging in Critical Discourse Analysis (van Dijk, 2016) informed by frameworks in Linguistic Anthropology (Irvine, 1989; Kroskrity, 2004, 2010; Leeman, 2012) and Second Language Acquisition (Ellis, 2009; Li, 2017; Lyster & Ranta, 1997). The findings demonstrate how oral CF becomes ideologically charged in a classroom context primarily designed to impart foreign language instruction. Under the guise that SHL learners’ varieties represent negative characteristics (e.g., low socioeconomic strata, Mexicaness, immigration), oral CF is used to eradicate their Spanish varieties. Findings also illustrate the (in)congruency of the instructor and learners’ perceptions of oral CF and what takes place in the classroom. In some cases, SHL learners demonstrated language pride and resisted the imposition of a foreign variety but reported hegemonic beliefs about their own varieties. Exemplifying how the instructor and SHL learners contribute to the complex dynamics of ideologization of oral CF, this study advocates for the adoption of Critical Language Awareness frameworks (Martínez, 2003; Leeman, 2005) in mixed language classrooms that encompasses this practice (e.g., focus-on-form instruction). Additionally, in acknowledging that teachers and educational institutions play a key role in the (re)production of dominant language norms, this study calls for the creation of instructional guidelines for oral CF as a pedagogical practice. Such guidelines must include critical discussions with students about the relationship between “correct,” “correcting,” and “being corrected” and asymmetrical power relationships. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Spanish 2019

National debates on European Union politics have long been viewed as a consensus-oriented activity. This applies especially to big mainstream parties, both to the center-left and the center-right. The perceived lack of ideological conflict over European issues is connected to the problem of the democratic deficit, and has led scholars to call for deeper politicization. Consequently, the aim of this study is to describe the presence of classical ideologies and ideological conflict in Swedish EU debate. This is done by analyzing statements from two major parties, the Social Democratic Party (Socialdemokraterna) and the Moderate Party (Moderaterna), in chamber debates in the Swedish parliament during the parliamentary year 2018/19. A qualitative ideational analysis is performed by systematically categorizing the ideological content based on ideal types. The results show that although ideological arguments and left-right conflict did occur, they were not common in the debates as a whole. Ideological conflict was most pronounced in debates on the EU’s social dimension and migration policy, while the economic issue area was characterized by liberal consensus. It is also argued that the Social Democratic Party faces greater challenges in transferring their ideology to the EU level. Moreover, I discuss how the results relate to previous research and the issue of the democratic deficit.