Research in identity and heritage language (HL) education focuses on the experiences of heritage speakers (HS) and how certain classroom discourses can devalue the skills and proficiencies that they bring with them to the class (García & Torres-Guevara, 2010; Leeman, 2012; Showstack, 2016). These dominant and monoglossic language discourses often focus on the teaching and acquisition of a “standard Spanish language” (Train, 2007; del Valle, 2000). Although scholarship on HL education has long advocated for separate specialized courses to meet the needs of HSs (Potowski, 2002; Valdés, 1997), many HSs remain in courses designed for second language (L2) learners because institutions do not consistently offer specialized instruction. Some research has investigated the experiences of HSs in mixed L2-HL classes (Harklau, 2009; Potowski, 2002), but there is a need for an examination of the classroom discursive practices in courses tailored for L2 learners and how those practices shape how HSs of diverse backgrounds position themselves as Spanish speakers within and outside of the classroom. The present study explores the representation of identity among HSs enrolled in university-level Spanish language classes. This investigation examined the relationship between HSs’ perceived instructional objectives in a Spanish as a second language class, the ways HSs positioned themselves as knowledgeable of the language concerning these objectives, and finally, their subsequent investment in their Spanish studies. The data come from a classroom ethnography and were analyzed within a grounded theory methods approach (Glasser & Strauss, 1967) and showed the extent to which classroom activities were inclusive to HSs’ pedagogical needs. Further, from a social identity and positioning lens, I considered how language ideologies that value the standard linguistic repertoires of monolingual native speakers’ affected individuals’ perceptions and relationships to their heritage community, and the expert or novice identities they negotiated during social interaction. Classroom observations and interviews revealed that the instruction that HSs received often promoted a linguistic hierarchy that devalued the non-standard language forms that reflected the participants’ ethnolinguistic backgrounds. The findings show that each HS navigated classroom discursive practices and negotiated multilingual identities in interaction with their peers, teachers, and the curriculum in different ways. Some of the participants became ambivalent toward the language and its speakers as their backgrounds went unacknowledged in classroom practice, while others found value in the Spanish classes because of past experiences. Findings suggest that there is a need for methodologies in mixed-group classrooms that reflect and acknowledge the sociolinguistic variation of the class (Gutiérrez & Fairclough, 2006). / Spanish

Thesis advisor: Rebecca Lowenhaupt / Diversity in U.S. schools has increased significantly over the last decades. One in four children under 18 live with at least one immigrant parent, and 22% of U.S. residents aged five or older report speaking a language other than English at home (Esterline & Batalova, 2022). The experiences of immigrant-origin students vary depending on contextual factors such as individual school's policies and practices, the community where the school is located, as well as national and state legislation (Portes & Rumbaut, 2014; Golash-Boza & Valdez, 2018). This three-paper dissertation aims to understand the nuances of educating immigrant-origin students from the perspective of educators in distinct contexts. The first paper is a qualitative interview study in a Texas school district near the US/Mexico border. I investigated the language ideologies that underlie educators' perspectives on language separation in Dual Language Bilingual Education (DLBE) classrooms. Educators in this study held complex ideologies about language separation in DL classrooms, informed by their view on the district’s students and families, the dynamic language practices of their border community, professional development, and testing and district policy requirements. The second paper presents a case study of a highly diverse school district in Illinois that established a district-wide ESL endorsement requirement. For this study, I interviewed educators and analyzed district documentation to understand the policy goals that guided the district to create this policy and how educators made sense of it. While policy goals were shared by educators in all roles, there was not enough space for collective sensemaking for teachers, who were critical of how policy implementation affected them. The third paper offers a comparative interview study of two school districts in Texas and Illinois with very different geographical locations, student demographics, and racial/ethnic makeup of their teacher force. This study examines how context shaped educators' attitudes and beliefs toward immigrant-origin students and families. Despite differences, educators from both districts who had experience working with immigrant populations shared similar and positive attitudes regarding immigrant-origin students and families’ assets, needs, and dispositions toward school. These results may help inform district language policy, policy implementation, and hiring decisions. / Thesis (EdD) — Boston College, 2024. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Teaching, Curriculum, and Society.

This study aims, through a critical discourse analysis (CDA), to elucidate discourses in Swedish parliamentary debates between 2019 and 2022 which relate to multilingualism in Swedish schools. Furthermore, the study aims to identify underlying language ideologies and examine the manner in which multilingual students are represented within the discourses. The results show four different discourses which all construe multilinguals and multilingualism in different ways. Permeating the first three is a dominant monolingual conception, in which other languages than the majority language are discarded or only deemed relevant in private affairs, which is reflected in part in the representation of multilingual students. Two of the identified discourses have an othering effect, where these students are represented as incompetent, linguistically and/or culturally deviant, as a burden on teachers as well as fellow students, or as victims in need of rescuing as a consequence of unsuccessful political attempts at integration. One of the discourses construes students' whole linguistic repertoires as resources for education and personal development, and students are represented as competent, curious, and in possession of valuable experience and knowledge. Despite a pluralistic shift in legislation and official policy pertaining to language and multilingualism, a monolingual norm still dominates political discourse regarding language and education in Sweden.

In this dissertation I explore the redistributive effects of second-dimensional identity politics in parliamentary democracies. Specifically, I focus on parties’ electoral incentives to manipulate the salience of the territorial-identity cleavage. My main argument is that a greater electoral salience of the second dimension distorts the nature of redistributive outcomes. Although the redistributive effects of second dimensions of political competition have been explored in majoritarian democracies, much less is known about their effects in democracies with proportional representation (PR). The dissertation brings “bad news” in that regard: when the territorial second dimension is salient, it is no longer true that parliamentary democracies with proportional electoral systems redistribute more –which is the prevalent view in the existing literature. In fact, the so called “left-bias” of PR systems vanishes when the territorial-identity cleavage is politically activated. This key insight therefore offers a fundamental qualification to the institutionalism literature, by making an effort to understand the way in which regional diversity interacts with institutions through multidimensional political competition. The dissertation is divided in two parts: one theoretical and one empirical. First, I develop a formal model that illustrates the way in which parties’ second-dimension electoral incentives affect both the electoral stage and the subsequent post-electoral coalition bargaining among parties in national parliaments. The reason is that both right-wing and regionalist parties have incentives to increase the salience of the second dimension at the electoral stage to attract voters, and subsequently the coalition bargaining among parties in parliaments offers new opportunities for legislative coalitions. In the second part of the dissertation, I test the empirical implications at the macro-level, the meso-level and the individual-level. The main empirical results can be summarised as follows. First, I present empirical evidence according to which the legislative salience of the second dimension induces a negative effect on redistribution and a positive effect on the regionalisation of public policy. Second, I provide evidence which shows that both right-wing and regionalist parties strategically increase the electoral salience of the second dimension when they are “losers” on the first dimension. Finally, I illustrate the way in which the salience of the second dimension affects the formation of individual preferences for redistribution. In sum, this dissertation provides new arguments and empirical evidence that demonstrates how second dimensional politics can have profound redistributive consequences in parliamentary democracies.

L'objectif de cette thèse est la comparaison de deux partis politiques en France et en Grèce,de l'UMP et de la ND, tous les deux membres du PPE au parlement européen. Ils représentent dans les deux cas le centre droit et couvre la période de 2002 à 2009.Elle comprend quatre volets : celui de la création de l'UMP et de la ND ; celui de leur organisation ; leur volet idéologique, et ces deux partis face à des échéances électorales, en insistant à chaque fois sur leurs similitudes et leurs différences.En même temps, par le biais de ces deux partis politiques, elle permet la comparaison de deux régimes politiques : de la Ve République Française et de la IIIe République Hellénique, ainsi que les systèmes des élites en France et en Grèce. / The subject of this thesis is the comparison of two political parties in France and in Greece, the UMP and the ND, from 2002 until 2009, both members of the EEP in the European parliament and representing, in both cases, the centre-right.This comparison of similarities and differences between the UMP and the ND is based on four main issues: their creation, their organization, their ideology as well as some electoral campaigns.In the same time, the study of two political parties allows the comparison of two political regimes: the Fifth French Republic and the Third Hellenic one, as well as the elite systems in France and in Greece.

In order to illustrate, I begin this report with an account of some of my experiences as a bilingual teacher, instructing curriculum designed to elicit student reflections their language ideologies and engaging praxis. The data includes student responses to a writing prompt and interview which elicited their language ideologies. Some of the student comments were striking due to their recognition of the higher status of English. The student-collected data aided me in evaluating my curriculum and instruction and inform my future practice. My report ends with a proposal to investigate these issues more deeply by conducting a study on student language ideologies. / text

Master of Regional and Community Planning / Department of Landscape Architecture/Regional and Community Planning / Stephanie A. Rolley / This report will examine the effect that shifting political ideologies have had on the redevelopment process for Penn’s Landing and how citizen activism influenced planning reform along the Central Delaware Riverfront. It addresses the historical development that lead to the demise of Philadelphia’s port industry and waterfront commerce. The study discusses the influences that mayoral administrations from the 1950s to present day have had on planning for Penn’s Landing. The report reviews the public forums held by Penn Praxis to change the course of planning from a top-down approach to a grassroots effort and evaluates the progress that has been made in the years following the forums. An analysis of the political ideologies of Philadelphia’s mayoral administrations is made to determine that the most effective approach to advancing waterfront redevelopment along the Central Delaware Riverfront involves discovering the right balance of private investment and public involvement.

Text in Afrikaans / The actuality of the pedagogical question concerning the role of ideology, values and norms in the life of man in general and education specifically stimulated the interest of the author and prompted her to examine the past in this respect. The contemporary image of ideology, values, norms, personal and global philosophies are looked at in this study. Particular attention is paid to the ideologies that developed from the Renaissance e.g. Humanistic oriented Realism, Rationalism and Naturalism. Certain role players are briefly referred to. The Communist Educational System influenced more than half of the human race over a period of seventy years resulting in a thorough investigation into this system. The influence of People's Education in education in general was also scrutinized. Because so many South Africans are adherents of Calvinism it was important that attention was paid to: The philosophy of Calvinism; What it entails; How it originated and its impact on South African Education. Particular reference was made to the role of Christian National Education. It is fairly generally accepted that a new period in history of the West in relation to values, norms and education is being entered into. The period discussion is more concerned with spiritual development, culture knowledge and religion of the human race than political and military power, although, the latter is not excluded. It was also necessary to take note of the influence of the New Age movement on values and norms. The study is concluded with the evaluation of ideology, values, norms, personal and global philosophies. Some of the most important conclusions arrived at are that these aspects are interwoven and that education is pertinently influenced by the values, norms, culture, personal and global philosophies of the individual, community and government. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Historiese Opvoedkunde)

Using a cross-national perspective covering all free and partly free countries, this thesis addresses two questions: What factors are associated with levels of gender representation, ethnic group representation, and ideological representation? And what are the relationships between levels of gender, ethnic group, and ideological representation? Ideological representation regards policy positions in different issue domains, whilst gender and ethnic group representation are concerned with the inclusion of women and ethnic groups in parliament. The representation of ethnic groups is approached in a multivariate cross-national analysis for the first time. Cultural rather than institutional factors seem to be the best predictors for the different levels of gender representation and ethnic group representation. Cultural attitudes are measured with survey questions on attitudes to women as political leaders, and tolerance of marginalized groups in society. The thesis finds that on average quotas for women and ethnic groups are not associated with higher levels of representation, perhaps because of issues regarding how quotas are implemented. Broadly speaking, little effect of the electoral system on any form of representation could be observed. Looking at levels of ideological representation, in line with some recent studies, the thesis suggests that the electoral system is not associated with different levels of ideological representation. I show that this is the case across various policy domains. Furthermore, the thesis finds no evidence for a direct relationship between levels of gender representation and levels of ethnic group representation, but levels of gender representation may be associated with levels of left–right representation. The relationship between different forms of representation might be shaped by the salience of ideological domains and awareness of under-representation of ethnic minority groups. Overall, the thesis argues that cultural attitudes are central to understanding levels of political representation, a factor often neglected in the literature.

My doctoral thesis analyses the political ideology of Islamism by taking the case study of a major Islamist organization, namely the Jamaat-e-Islami in contemporary India and Bangladesh. In doing so, I try to understand the similarities and differences of the ideological articulations of Islamism in a Muslim minority context of India and in a Muslim majority context of Bangladesh. The thesis is written from a political theory perspective in general and within the realm of ideology studies in particular. The study analyses how and why the Jamaat is responding to the economic and cultural issues of neoliberal India and Bangladesh. One cannot possibly ignore the neoliberal context within which Islamists are generating markedly new kinds of political articulations with an unprecedented set of political demands, never seen before in the history of Islamist movements. The ideological articulations of Jamaat have been studied by analyzing various primary sources—organisational literature, the party constitution, policy resolutions, press releases, election manifestos and political pamphlets of Jamaat-e-Islami. In addition, this dissertation has also relied on field interviews with the Jamaat leadership in India and Bangladesh. Magazines and internet sources have been also helpful for this study. My thesis analyses Islamist responses to neoliberalism by discussing the contrasting conditions of contemporary India and Bangladesh. In doing so, I conclude that in India, Jamaat is opposed to neoliberalism whereas in Bangladesh, it has a ambiguous character vis-à-vis neoliberalism. However, Islamists in both these countries are opposed to cultural issues like atheism, ‘blasphemous’ views, live-in relationships and homosexuality, which they construe as the products of ‘western cultural globalization’. In this respect, I try to analyse why the Islamists are opposed to ‘western cultural globalization’. Finally, I also explain how Islamism, as a politico-ideological project of populist mobilization is facing a crisis in contemporary India and Bangladesh.