Abstract I study language discourses of Japan Finns: the ways they talk about languages. This research is a part of the language-in-motion studies. Informants are native Finns who are born in Finland and have moved to Japan. There are 14 informants in this study, and the recorded data consists of fourteen interviews and seven pair conversations. The amount of data is about 24 hours altogether. Firstly, the aim is to find out what kind of roles and meanings informants give to Finnish, Japanese and English respectively. In other words, what kind of language discourses they construct. Secondly, I study, whether corpus assisted discourse analysis is suitable for analyzing Finnish spoken data. In the context of globalization, languages are no longer tightly connected to time and space but they move along with people. Globalization changes views about languages and multilingualism, hence new concepts are needed to describe them. I observe language discourses in the context of globalization as well as in the social and language ideological context of Japan. Discourses construct reality and I understand them as social and shared entities. In the analysis, corpus methods and discourse analysis are combined: clusters and semantic preference help me to detect how discourses consist of linguistic features. Cluster analysis reveals different roles of languages. Finnish is a language of identity, Japanese is described as a skill and English as a tool. Clusters create contrasts, voices and estrangements, that tell about relations between languages and speakers’ relationship with a language. Semantic preference shows, how language choices and language identity are context bound. Possibility of change is seen in discourses, though self-expression and emotions and importance of language are preserved in migration. / Tiivistelmä Tutkin väitöskirjassani japaninsuomalaisten kielidiskursseja eli kielistä puhumisen tapoja. Työni on osa liikkuvuuden sosiolingvistiikkaa käsittelevää tutkimusta. Informanttini ovat Suomessa syntyneitä ja Japaniin muuttaneita suomalaisia. Aineistona on 14 haastattelua ja 7 parikeskustelua eli yhteensä noin 24 tuntia nauhoitetta. Selvitän ensinnäkin, millaisia tehtäviä ja merkityksiä informantit antavat kielille – suomelle, japanille ja englannille – eli millaisia kielidiskursseja he rakentavat. Toiseksi tarkastelen, miten puhutun suomenkielisen aineiston korpusavusteinen analyysi toimii ja millaisen kuvan se antaa kielidiskursseista. Kielet eivät globalisaation myötä ole aikaan ja paikkaan sidottuja vaan liikkuvat ihmisten mukana. Globalisaatio muuttaa käsitystä kielistä ja monikielisyydestä, joten nykyistä monikielisyyttä luonnehtimaan tarvitaan uusia käsitteitä. Tarkastelen informanttieni kielidiskursseja paitsi globalisaation näkökulmasta myös Japanin yhteiskunnallisessa ja kieli-ideologisessa kontekstissa. Diskurssinäkemykseni pohjautuu siihen näkökulmaan, että kieli rakentaa todellisuutta, ja näen diskurssit sosiaalisina ja jaettuina. Menetelmäni on diskursseja ja korpustutkimusta yhdistävä: klustereiden ja semanttisen preferenssin avulla hahmotan, mistä lingvistisistä osista diskurssit koostuvat. Klusterianalyysi paljastaa kielten työnjakoja. Suomi on identiteetin kieli, mutta japanista puhutaan kielitaidon ja englannista välineellisyyden kautta. Klustereissa luodaan kontrasteja, ääniä ja etäännytyksiä, jotka kertovat kielten välisistä suhteista sekä puhujan suhteesta kieliin. Semanttisen preferenssin analyysissa näkyy kielivalintojen ja -identiteettien kontekstisidonnaisuus. Diskursseissa on läsnä muutoksen mahdollisuus, mutta itseilmaisu, tunteet ja kielen merkitys säilyvät siirtolaisuudessa.

This thesis examines the nature of mass factionalism and rebellious alignment during the Chinese Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1968. This period in Chinese history presents an internecine mass conflict that boasts the largest political upheavals of the 20th century. The most puzzling question of the explosion of this intense rebellious rivalry lies in the mechanisms and processes of insurgents’ political choices: Why did people join and affiliate with different insurgent groups? What decision did people make and what were their reasons? In conventional social structural analyses of contentious politics, mass actors’ decisions are affected by functionally differentiated interests inherent in their pre-existing social positions. This model defines mass rebellion and factional alignment as a form of interest group politics, attributing political choices to participants’ pre-existing sociopolitical status quo and thus pits different social groups against one another. As a result, similar occupational and status groups in the previous hierarchical structure would make similar political choices that lead them to form well-defined competing factions. In contrast to this static structural interpretation, I propose a contextual process model to analyze processes of political division and factional contention within political movements. With a case study of Guangzhou, I argue that rebellious alignment was rooted in their political interactions in a rapidly evolving phase of the conflict, rather than rising from the tensions that existed between different socio-economic layers of society. During the times of radical instability such as the Chinese Cultural Revolution, political ambiguity and contingency were the defining characteristics. In such unstable political environment, the basic elements of the movement changed so many times: each phase of the rebel movement projected itself by means of different actors, agendas, targets, and so on. Consequently, individual rebels observed their embedded local political environment, interpreted it, and subsequently chose a course of action in a dynamic process. In this regard, mass actors from identical social strata in the previous hierarchical structure would make different political choices and tactically choose their factional camp.

The thesis focuses on the conservative canon and analyses the validity of exceptionalist claims of conservative thinking through a deconstructive reading of conservatism. The comparison of classical and radical conservatisms provides the grounds for this analysis. After the introductory chapter, the second chapter of this thesis focuses on the general characteristics of the conservative ideology. It consists of three sub-sections. The first of these presents the characteristics of classical conservatism, while the second turns to consider radical conservatism. Then, in the third sub-section, a discussion of the similarities and differences between these two conservatisms leads to a proposed definition of a core of the conservative canon. Here, it is argued that the epistemological and ontological imperfection of individuals can be regarded as the definitive core, or as the precept which the justification of conservative policies relies upon. The third chapter then focuses on the views of a number of significant figures in the development of political thought on ideology, which is used by these thinkers as a critical tool. A narrative of the historical developments in the analyses of ideology and ideologies is presented in this chapter. In the last part of the chapter, Derridian thinking is introduced. The fourth chapter problematises conservative exceptionalism, or the belief that there is a fundamental difference between conservatism and other ideologies. This chapter is founded upon the analyses of the previous two chapters, using the Derridian reading and referring to the characteristics and commonalities of the conservative canon presented. In this chapter, radicalism is argued to be a persistent theme in conservative thinking, and conservatism is claimed to be founded upon its impossibility.

Cette thèse constitue un travail d’ethnographie linguistique de l’oasis de Siwa, une enclave amazighe située dans le désert occidental égyptien. Après des siècles d’autonomie et d’indépendance effective de l’Égypte, Siwa a été inclue au cours du XXème siècle dans le système politique égyptien à travers un processus de changement général touchant aux aspects linguistique, politique et social. Plus récemment, elle a commencé également à (re)découvrir son appartenance à une sphère amazighe internationale. Bien que Siwa soit un terrain de recherche extrêmement intéressant, aucune étude sociolinguistique n’y a été menée jusqu’à présent. Ce travail se veut une contribution visant à combler cette lacune. La recherche adopte une approche pluridisciplinaire basée sur des outils théoriques développés en sociolinguistique et en anthropologie linguistique. Le référent théorique principal est le domaine d’étude des attitudes et idéologies linguistiques. La méthode de collecte des données combine la réalisation d’entretiens ethnographiques et l’observation participante. L’étude identifie les dynamiques d’usage linguistique dans l’oasis tout en les présentant du point de vue des locuteurs et discute les mécanismes et les idéologies qui sont à la base de leurs attitudes linguistiques. Elle suggère que la diversification sociolinguistique qui a récemment remplacé l’homogénéité à Siwa est liée à la variation des attitudes linguistiques en fonction de variables sociales données et qu’elle est observable à travers l’étude des attitudes elles-mêmes. Ce travail dépeint ainsi une communauté multiforme à un moment de transformations socio-économiques et de changement sociolinguistique en cours. / The present thesis proposes a linguistic ethnography of the oasis of Siwa, an Amazigh enclave situated in the Western Egyptian desert. De facto independent for centuries, it is only during the 20th century that this area started undergoing processes of modernization and Arabization with a consequent inclusion in the national (Egyptian) and the international (Amazigh) arenas. Although representing an interesting field for sociolinguistic research, this subject has not attracted scholarly attention so far and this work is a first attempt to fill that gap.This research has a multidisciplinary approach built on sociolinguistic and linguistic anthropological theories. It falls into the field of language attitudes and ideologies’ studies, and it developed a combined method including ethnographic interviewing and participant observation. The thesis presents the dynamics of language use within the oasis from an insider perspective and discusses the mechanisms and the ideologies underlying both speakers’ practices and attitudes, arguing that the emerging differentiation of linguistic practices is related to the attitudinal variation across specific social categories, which adhere to different ideologies. The study portrays a multiform community in a phase of socio-economic transition and sociolinguistic change in progress.

This study, using contemporary history and empirical research, updates traditional rentier state theory, which largely fails to account for the existence of opposition movements, by demonstrating the political capital held by Muslim Brotherhood affiliates in Kuwait, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). This study thus also fills a critical gap in existing literature on political Islam by examining previously unstudied movements in the smaller Gulf states that do not require Brotherhood organisations to provide services, to form social networks, or to contest elections (aside from in Kuwait). Through a divergent case study, we demonstrate the degree to which and the means through which the Ikhwan shapes domestic politics in the some of the world’s wealthiest oil states, the super-rentiers. This research helps to break the causal link established by rentier state theory between oil rents and lack of politically relevant Islamist organizations. As will be shown, Muslim Brotherhood organizations in the Gulf are politically influential entities. It is important to note, however, that these groups shape cultural and social ideas as readily as political notions. The division between these sectors is often blurred in the atmosphere of the socially conservative super-rentiers, as politics is often displaced to the social sphere in restricted political systems. We therefore elucidate a new model for understanding how Muslim Brotherhood movements influence government policies, in addition to cultural and social policies, in the wealthiest rentier states of the Gulf, which we call rentier Islamism.

Název v anglickém jazyce: The Influence of Political Systems and Ideologies on the National Theatre Ballet in Prague in the 20th Century The subject of the Thesis is the influence of political systems and ideologies on the National Theatre Ballet in Prague. The period of research spans mainly from the theatre season 1923/1924, when Remislav Remislavský was appointed the post of ballet master and choreographer, to the season 1989/1990, when Vlastimil Harapes assumed the post of the ensemble's chief. Two main periods are underlined: the period of World War II and the subsequent period of the Communist Party government after 1948. Persons of interest are mainly the bosses of ballet company for example Jelizaveta Nikolská, Joe Jenčík, Saša Machov or Jiří Němeček st. and others, but also soloists, and the repertoire of the ballet corps. This thesis is a scope of the evolution of ballet of National theatre in concern of political changes in 20th century.

Studien syftade till att undersöka skillnader i framställning i två militära rekryteringsfilmer från Tyskland och Sverige. Syftet uppfylls genom multimodala analyser av filmerna och genom en fokusgruppsintervju beståendes av tyska och svenska studenter. I den multimodala analysen kartlades relevanta meningsbärande modaliteter för att ta reda på hur organisationerna framställer sig själva i filmerna. Fokusgruppsintervjun gav underlag till en kvalitativ innehållsanalys där publikens tolkning av filmerna kartlades med ett särskilt fokus på hur kultur har för betydelse för tolkningen. Studiens teoretiska bakgrund utgörs dels av Althussers teori kring ideologier och statliga anordningar och interpellationskonceptet som det vidareutvecklas av Judith Williamson. För tolkning av fokusgruppsintervjun applicerades Stuart Halls teori om Encoding/Decoding och Kim Schröders multidimensionella mottagarmodell. Studien kommer fram till att filmerna syftar till att interpellera, tilltala, publiken på skilda vis vilket leder till att två olika ideologier reproduceras. Innehållsanalysen av fokusintervjun pekade på att den kulturella bakgrunden kan vara en central faktor som förklarar varför filmerna tolkades olika av deltagarna. Ur ett samhälleligt perspektiv är studien relevant då den påtalar militära organisationers reproduktiva makt över ideologier i samhället. Förslagsvis kan framtida forskning undersöka kulturens roll för avkodning av militära rekryteringsfilmer på en mer detaljerad nivå. Till exempel skillnader i mottagande mellan landsorts- och stadsbefolkning. Studiens begränsningar utgörs främst av den korta tidsram inom vilken den genomförts och bristen på triangulering av data

<p>  </p> <p>This dissertation examines working women’s experiences with careers and childcare in South Korea. Korea is characterized by its ultra-low fertility rate, aging population, and high proportions of working women and those opting out of work after childbirth. Despite the government’s generous childcare policies and widespread help from child(ren)’s grandmothers, Korean mothers report substantial difficulties in pursuing their careers due to childcare responsibilities. Thus, this dissertation asks the following questions: 1) How do beliefs and norms about childcare influence Korean women’s career pursuits and childcare arrangements? 2) What factors influence Korean working mothers’ career aspirations and pursuits in the context of COVID-19? 3) How does grandmothers’ care help influence Korean working mothers’ careers and childcare arrangements? </p> <p><br></p> <p>To investigate these questions, I analyze three waves of longitudinal in-depth interview data (n=102) from women in Korea. The first wave was collected in-person in 2019 ­before the COVID-19 pandemic with 37 women. The second (n=32) was conducted in 2020, and the final (n=33) wave in 2021. Due to travel restrictions related to COVID-19, the second and final waves were conducted virtually using video calls. The semi-structured interviews asked questions about women’s experiences with their careers and childcare, and examined how their experiences have changed or remained the same since the COVID-19 pandemic. This is one of the first qualitative studies to examine working mothers’ experiences with childcare pre-pandemic (2019) and during the pandemic (2020 and 2021).</p> <p><br></p> <p>Based on the findings, I develop the concept of “childcare ideologies”– defined as beliefs and norms about childcare. Korean women shared a diverse range of beliefs and norms about childcare encompassing family members like mothers, fathers, and grandparents, as well as non-family members like care facilities and the government. Because childcare is not a concern or responsibility of mothers alone, this dissertation encourages the sociological scholarship to conceptualize childcare more broadly, by including the discussions of political interests, social and cultural norms, and intergenerational familial care, among other relevant factors. </p> <p><br></p> <p>In addition, I document women’s experiences related to pursuing their careers and arranging grandmothers’ childcare help.  The findings show the influence of <em>gendered</em> childcare beliefs and norms on Korean mothers’ career aspirations and pursuits. Childcare beliefs that do not assume that mothers are primarily responsible for childcare motivated mothers to aspire to career success and pursue such aspirations. On the other hand, childcare beliefs that associate mothers with having primary childcare responsibility discouraged mothers from their career aspirations and pursuits. Furthermore, while I demonstrate Korean mothers’ heavy reliance on their children’s grandmothers for childcare help, I show that mothers preferred to receive childcare help from maternal grandmothers than from paternal grandmothers. </p> <p><br></p> <p>In analyzing these empirical findings, this dissertation contextualizes Korean mothers’ experiences related to childcare and career pursuits within the novel context of the COVID-19 pandemic. That is, I employ a gendered life course framework to investigate how women’s family lives and careers have been affected when the unprecedented COVID-19 pandemic caused an economic and societal disruption, in addition to a health crisis. I conclude the dissertation with empirical implications and policy recommendation to better anticipate future health challenges and to assist working women and their families when these challenges emerge.</p>

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The Language Introduction Program (Swe. Språkintroduktionsprogrammet) is a preparatory education intended for immigrant students to acquire a minimum grade of grade-school level knowledge of several different subjects. The most important subject measured both by the time allocated to it, and as manifested in educational and political discourse, is Swedish. The English language is commonly afforded high status on the linguistic market in Sweden. However, students within the language introduction program stem from all linguistic backgrounds whereas some students occasionally speak L1 or L2 English prior to arriving in Sweden. This study examines how students within the language introduction program perceive and values English in a setting where Swedish is (1) mandated for continuation on to the national education programs and (2) discursively positioned within and outside of the program as the key to successful integration. The study aims to answer how and what conceptions of English as a phenomenon are narratively constructed in this ideological site i.e. the school, and what authorities on implicit and overt language ideology are addressed. The study analyses the narratives of three students enrolled on the Language Introduction Program. To do this, the study uses a mix of a language portrait and an interview. The results show that English has a strong status in regards to practical utility, but English is not equally regarded in terms of community and social togetherness. In this, the Language Introduction Program is a strong ideological site and ideological modifier.