Caryl Churchill, the most widely performed female dramatist in contemporary British theatre, is a playwright preoccupied with the dissection of the traditional relations of power. She challenges social and dramatic conventions through her innovative exploration of the male gaze, the objectification of women, the performativity of gender, and women as objects of exchange within a masculine economy. In so doing, Churchill locates her concerns in the area of `materialism and gender'. Churchill explicates a socialist-feminist position by pointing directly at the failure of liberal feminism. The lack of a sense of community among women, highlighted by Churchill's portrayal of women such as Marlene in `Top Girls', forms a critical aspect of Churchill's work. Her drama re-iterates how meaningful change is impossible while women continue to oppress one another, and while economic structures perpetuate patriarchy. Altered consciousness, aligned to socio-political re-structuring, is necessary for both the oppressors and the oppressed, in a society where too much emphasis has been placed on individualism. The outspoken hope for a transgression of the conventional processes of identification and other omnipresent, oppressive socio-political phenomena, is a strong aspect of Churchill's work. Her plays reveal how signs create reality rather than reflect it, and she uses Brechtian-based distancing methods to induce a critical examination of gendered relations. Time-shifting, overlapping dialogue, doubling and cross-casting are used by Churchill to manipulate the sign-systems of the dominant order. Cross-gender casting, Churchill's most widely reviewed dramatic device, is employed to destabilise fixed sexual identities determined by dominant heterosexual ideology. She calls into question the traditional sign `Woman' - which is constructed by and for the male gaze - and addresses the marginality of the female experience in a non-linear framework. Although dealing with serious issues, Churchill's plays are often executed in a style that is at once amusing and thought-provoking to exclude the possibility of didacticism. With her skilful use of language and innovative techniques as her highly effective instruments, Churchill accomplishes her broader purpose with originality. In its originality and complexity, her drama is in itself a `new possibility' for different forms. / English Studies / M. A. (English)

L'objectif de cette thèse de doctorat est de montrer comment la victoire de la liberté dans le domaine matrimonial a permis à la communauté LGBT de se mettre en ordre de bataille, Etat après Etat, pour mettre fin à une citoyenneté de seconde zone, sensibiliser et éduquer les américains sur les réalités de la vie homosexuelle, marquée par une longue histoire de discrimination et de préjugés hostiles aux homosexuels, souvent véhiculés par des chrétiens fondamentalistes. Nous reviendrons sur les origines historiques de cette guerre culturelle contre l'homosexualité pour montrer comment celle-ci structure encore aujourd'hui le système de gouvernement et alimente la polarisation politique, en partant du postulat que la brèche dans le mur de séparation entre l'Eglise et l'Etat est en partie responsable de nombreux blocages institutionnels et d'un patchwork de lois inégalitaires à travers le pays. Le combat pour l'égalité des droits de la communauté LGBT se révèle être, en définitive, un formidable observatoire de la démocratie américaine qui continue d'affecter l'efficacité du système démocratique des contre-pouvoirs par différents processus dynamiques liés au changement et à l'affirmation de la liberté religieuse / The ojective of this PhD dissertation is to show how the victory for the freedom to marry enabled the LGBT community to gear up for a national State-by-State campaign to put an end to second-class citizenship, raise awareness, and educate the American people to a reality that is marked by a long history of discrimination and hostile prejudice against homosexuals, with such hostility often being expressed and disseminated by fundamentalist Christians. We will revisit the historical origins of the culture war against homosexuality to show it still structures the system of government tody, and fuels political polarization, starting from the premise that the breach in the separating wall between Church and State is partly responsible for the numerous institutionnal deadblocks as well as a patchwork system of unegquel laws across the country. the LGBT community's fight for equal rights ultimately turns out to provide a particularly powerful insight into American democracy, and continues to affect the democratic system of checks and balances through various dynamic processes which are bound up with change and with the assertion of religious freedom

Dès 1830, le théâtre s’empare du thème de la conquête de l’Algérie puis il accompagne l’expansion coloniale en Afrique du Nord, événements majeurs qui ont marqué la vie politique française du XIXe et du début du XXe siècle. Véritable phénomène social et culturel de masse, il a fortement contribué à imposer l’esprit colonial et l’idée d’empire dans les mentalités. Mais dans quelle mesure exacte a-t-il été un acteur culturel de cette politique d’expansion et de domination ? Avec quelle fréquence, quelles inflexions ? Quelles représentations de l’« Arabe » a-t-il véhiculé, et comment les a-t-il transformées en discours idéologiques, reçus en direct par un public donné ? A-t-il été aussi le lieu d’une prise de distance, voire d’une contestation de la colonisation ? Au théâtre, l’altérité est mise en mots, mais aussi et surtout portée sur scène, par le corps et la voix du comédien, presque toujours français et blanc. L’autre, « indigène », celui qui interpelle, inquiète ou fascine, acquiert une visibilité accrue, le temps de la représentation. L’altérité est réduite par certains auteurs à des stéréotypes que d’autres mettent au contraire en question. L’image de l’Arabe, mais aussi du Kabyle, du Touareg et du métissé, a suivi les courants idéologiques qui ont sous-tendu les grandes étapes de l’expansion coloniale, jusqu’aux prémices des mouvements de décolonisation. Sur le plan esthétique, la représentation de l’« Arabe » est-elle l’occasion d’un renouvellement en matière de jeu, de langage, de décor et de costume ? La recherche de l’« exotisme » dans les formes spectaculaires laisse-t-elle parfois place au souci de rencontre et (re)connaissance de l’autre ? La portée à la fois littéraire, culturelle, sociale et historique du sujet nécessite de mobiliser et croiser des approches esthétique, dramaturgique, sociocritique et postcoloniale. / Since 1830, drama has taken over the Algerian conquest theme then backed the colonial expansion in North Africa, two major events which marked French political life from the 19th century to the early 20th century. As a real social and cultural overall phenomenon, it has strongly contributed to impose the colonial spirit and the empire idea into people's minds. But to what extent exactly has it played a cultural role in this expansion and domination policy? At what frequency and with which inflexions? Which representations of the "Arab" has drama conveyed, and how has it transformed them into an ideological discourse, through a live performance received by a given audience? Has it also been a place of distancing, even contesting colonization? Otherness is put into words with drama, but it is also and mostly brought onto the scene through the body and the voice of the actor, almost always French and white. The other "native", the one who puts question, worries or fascinates, gains an enhanced visibility, for the time of the performance. Otherness is reduced to stereotypes by some authors while others call them into question. The image of the Arab – but also of the Kabylian, the Tuareg, and the mixed-race – has followed the ideological currents that have underlain the great steps of the colonial expansion, until the beginnings of the decolonization movement. On the aesthetic level, is the representation of the "Arab" the opportunity of a renewal in terms of performance, language, setting, and costumes? Does seeking "exoticism" in spectacular forms give sometimes way to concern about meeting and knowing, or acknowledging, the other? The literary, cultural, social and historical significance of the subject requires to mobilize and cross aesthetic, dramaturgic, sociocritical and post colonial approaches.

In this comparative study of the two regions, Catalonia and Scotland, the party manifestos of the nationalistic parties will be compared, through an ideological point of view. In 2014 media gave attention to the two referendums, that the countries held quite close to each other. Europe were waiting with tension on the first elections results. The Scottish people voted no to independence from the United Kingdom. The Catalan people still went to the polls with high anticipation for independence for Catalonia, eventhough Spain had called the referendum illegal due to being against the constitution.   In order to make a comparison between, the Scottish National Party and the coalition party Junts pel Sí, an ideological analysis has been made. The aim with the study is to see similarities and differences between the two regions’ nationalistic movements and also to tell them apart from other nationalistic movements, by defining the ideological type. The results show that they are both quite nationalistic in their nature, meaning that they both would prefer independence. However, the Scottish National Party is less striving for independence and seek more to have greater influence in the parliament at Westminster. The Catalan nationalistic coalition party, on the other hand, strongly wants  independence. They desire a liberal democracy with an open Catalan market to the world, by international partnerships, and memberships with important international organs like the EU.   Eventhough much might speak for the nationalistic movements’ similarities, many interesting and diverse differences were found. These discoveries are important because all nationalistic movements aren’t the same and shouldn’t be seen as such.

Bien que la didactique du français langue étrangère ne soit reconnue comme telle que vers 1960, ses prémices sont à chercher dans les années d’après-guerre, période d’une rénovation en profondeur de la politique culturelle française à l’extérieur et de l’enseignement de la langue. À l’instigation conjointe du ministère des Affaires étrangères, des acteurs privés de la diffusion du français, des organisations de coopération culturelle internationale (Conseil de l’Europe et Unesco) et des pays francophones nouvellement indépendants, se répand dans le champ du FLE l’idéologie d’un français utile, pratique, courant – vivant, en somme – supplantant celle du français langue de culture qui tendait à se scléroser en même temps que l’image de la civilisation française. Pourtant, loin d’opposer ces deux idéologies linguistiques – français langue de culture / langue pratique – le champ du FLE va chercher à les concilier. Grâce à la déterritorialisation du français et à l’ouverture à l’altérité linguistique qui la caractérise, la francophonie fait figure de creuset à la fois pragmatique et humaniste qui donne un souffle nouveau au mythe messianique et universel du français. / Even though French as a Foreign Language was acknowledged as a science only in the late 1950’s, its first fruits are to be sought in the post Second World War years, when a great renovation took place in the French cultural policy and the teaching of French. At the instigation of the Foreign Office, private protagonists of the French dissemination, international organisations for cultural cooperation (European Council and UNESCO), and newly independent francophone countries, is spread in that field the idea of an efficient, pragmatic and vivid French language, supplanting the one of a cultural language, which tended to ossify as well as the image of French civilisation itself. Nevertheless, far from opposing these two ideologies, the French as a Foreign Language field is going to try and conciliate them. Thanks to the exteritorialisation of French and to the interest for alterity that goes with it, francophony appears as the pragmatic and humanist melting-pot which revitalizes the universal messianic myth of French.

Denna studies syfte är att beskriva hur lärare i grundsärskolan ser på sitt bedömningsuppdrag isamband med att nya elever tas emot i verksamheten. I grundsärskolan undervisas elever som pågrund av en intellektuell funktionsnedsättning (IF) inte bedöms ha förutsättningar att uppnågrundskolans kunskapskrav. I vår studie använde vi oss av en kvalitativ metod och genomfördeelva kvalitativa intervjuer med lärare i grundsärskolan. Schiros (2013) undervisningsideologiskaperspektiv användes som teoretiskt perspektiv i analysen. Vi har utgått från fyra olikaforskningsfrågor under arbetets gång. Första frågan var vilka strategier lärarna beskriver att deanvänder för att samla information om elever som kommer nya till grundsärskolan. Här visar ettav resultaten att relationsskapande med eleven får gå före kunskapsbedömning när elever kommernya. På frågan om lärarnas syn på bedömningens plats och funktion i verksamheten får vivarierande svar, men gemensamt beskriver de att ett sökande efter elevens förmågor att kunna visakunskaper liknar ett “detektivjobb” (informant L9). Resultat visar också att lärarna ser olika på hurmeningsfullt det är för eleven att själva vara delaktiga i sin egen kunskapsbedömning. Nästaforskningsfråga handlar om vilka utmaningar som framstår i uppdraget att bedöma kunskaper hoselever som kommer nya till grundsärskolan. Här visar resultatet att samtliga lärare uttrycker attelever med IF är svårbedömda eftersom allt beror på elevens förmåga och dagsform. Vår fjärdeforskningsfråga handlar om vilka undervisningsideologier som blir synliga. Här visar resultatet atten elevcentrerad undervisnings ideologi är framträdande i lärarnas svar. Lärarna upplever till vissdel en konflikt i sitt bedömningsuppdrag, främst i relation till tolkningen av styrdokumentensformuleringar. Studiens resultat visade också att lärarna är i behov av att reflektera överbedömnings uppdraget, här får specialläraren en viktig roll som kvalificerad samtalspartner. / The purpose of this study is to describe how teachers in the special school view their assessmentassignments in connection with new pupils starting in school. The special school is a compulsoryschool for children with intellectual disabilities who are not considered to have the prerequisites tomeet the mainstream school’s knowledge requirements. In our study, we used a qualitative methodand conducted eleven qualitative interviews with teachers in special school. Schiro's (2013)Curriculum Ideological perspectives were used as theoretical perspectives in the analysis. We havestarted from four different research questions during the course of the work. The first question waswhat strategies the teachers describe that they use to inform themselves about students who arenew in school. Here, one of the results shows that creating relationships with the student may gobefore During the question how teachers view the significance of assessment for students'knowledge development, results of the study vary, but the common feature is that a search for thestudent's ability to show knowledge is similar to a “detective job” (informant L9). The study showsthat the teachers consider that assessment has a certain importance for the pupil's knowledgedevelopment but especially for the adaptation of the teaching. The results also show that teacherslook at how meaningful it is for the pupil to be involved in their own knowledge assessment. Thenext research question was about the challenges presented in the assignment to assess theknowledge of students who are newly admitted to special school. Here, the result shows that allteachers express that students with intellectual disabilities are difficult to assess because everythingdepends on the student's ability and form overall state. Our fourth resurge questions is about whichCurriculum Ideologies become visible. Here the result shows that a Learner centred Ideology isprominent in the teachers' responses. To some extent, teachers experience a conflict in theirassessment assignments, mainly in relation to the interpretation of the wording of the steeringdocuments. The study's results also showed that the teachers need to reflect on the assessmentassignment, here the special teacher can be ascribed an important role as a qualified interlocutor.

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I denna studie undersöks hur tre rikstäckande svenska dagstidningar med varierande ideologisk grund gestaltat ett urval av politiska händelser på Kuba under Fidel Castros kommunistiska styre 1962–1994. De politiska händelserna på Kuba som granskats är Kubakrisen 1962, Olof Palmes Statsbesök 1975 samt Specialperioden 1990–1994. Frågeställningarnas fokus har dels legat på hur gestaltningarna av Kubas politik bibehållits eller förändrats under den undersökta perioden, och dels hur tidningarna förhållit sig till sin politiska grundideologi över tid. Avslut- ningsvis har detta resultat ställts mot Francis Fukuyamas tes om ”Historiens slut”. Gransk- ningen av materialet har skett med ett gestaltningsteoretiskt ramverk där en kvalitativ aspekt granskat gestaltningens perspektiv och urval, samt en kvantitativ aspekt som fokuserat på jour- nalistikens värdeomdömen mot Kubas politik. Resultat visar att det fanns betydande skillnader mellan tidningarnas gestaltningar och värdeomdömen under 1960- och 1970-talet. Under Spe- cialperioden på 1990-talet förenades dock samtliga tidningar i en samstämmig kritik mot Fidel Castros kommunistiska styre på Kuba. Detta tycks dels vara ett resultat av tidningarna i allt högre grad blivit nyhetsstyrda snarare än idéstyrda. Ideologiska nyanser skiljer tidningarnas gestaltningar åt, dessa perspektiv överskuggas dock på 1990-talet av att tidningarna samlas i en typ av liberaldemokratisk mittfåra som enhälligt fördömer kommunismen på Kuba. / This study examines how three nationwide newspapers in Sweden framed a sample of political events on Cuba during Fidel Castro's communist rule during the period 1962–1994. The news- papers are all linked to different political ideologies. The political events examined were the Cuban missile crisis 1962, Olof Palme's state visit 1975 and the Special Period 1990–1994. The purpose of the study was on one hand to examine if the framing of Cuba’s politics was main- tained or changed during this period, and on the other hand how the newspapers adhered to their political ideology over time. In conclusion these results are discussed in relation to Francis Fukuyamas thesis “The End of History?”. The study uses a frame analysis as a theoretical framework which has a qualitative aspect that examines the salient perspectives and selections, and a quantitative aspect which focus on value judgments towards Cuba's political leadership. The study shows that there were significant differences between the newspaper framing and value judgements during the 1960s and 1970s. During the 1990s there were a substantial shift, as the newspapers now united in a unanimous condemnation of the communist rule on Cuba. This seems to be a result of the newspapers becoming more news-driven rather than idea-driven. Although some ideological nuances persisted during the 1990s, overall the ideologies expressed by the newspapers seem to converge in the support of political and economic liberalism. Based on the results of this study, the major ideological battle of the 20th century was replaced by minor ideological disputes in the 1990s.

In this thesis, I attempt to describe and analyse language ideologies relevant in the specific situation of the Sorbian minority in the city of Bautzen (Sorbian: Budyšin) - a city with a clear German majority at the same time considered a cultural, social and political centre of Sorbs - with a special emphasis on links between language and nationalism. Focusing on these links, I also examine the specific role of language for maintainance of Sorbian national identity. I also view Sorbian language ideologies in the broader context of social and political relations in and around Bautzen, whereas I, among other topics, inquire into recently significant hatred of local German radical right towards the Sorbian minority. At the same time, I attempt to capture the power relations between German and Sorbian languages. Apart from the paradigm of language ideologies, I am also informed by works of certain poststructuralist authors, especially due to their emphasis on constructivism regarding identities and language mechanisms. Keywords: language, language ideologies, nationalism, language nationalism, identities, national identity, ethnicity, language and power, Sorbian, German, language and politics, language contact

Cette thèse propose une analyse, par le prisme de l’imaginaire social, d’œuvres littéraires québécoises qui mettent en scène la vie économique, depuis la phase d’essor industriel qui marque l’après-guerre jusqu’aux années 1980. Conjuguant l’histoire culturelle et la sociocritique, nous étudions les représentations de la vie économique, leurs conditions de possibilité, de production et de circulation. Notre travail s’intéresse à la dimension idéologique et politique des classes populaires, des ouvriers et des ouvrières fictifs chez des auteurs marginaux (Jean-Jules Richard, Pierre Gélinas, Germain Archambault, Maurice Gagnon et Élisabeth Vonarburg) et d’autres plus connus (Claude Jasmin, Jacques Ferron, Jacques Renaud, Francine Noël). Tout comme la figure de l’écrivain, le personnage du travailleur est un « foyer normatif complexe » (Hamon, 1984). En croisant l’analyse de différentes productions culturelles avec la lecture approfondie de romans choisis, nous interrogeons le présumé désintérêt de la littérature québécoise envers les questions qui concernent la vie économique. Nous tentons d’abord de repenser les catégories de l’histoire littéraire, soit le réalisme, le régionalisme, le « documentaire » et le roman social. Une analyse du discours des écrivains et des critiques dans les périodiques révèle les différentes définitions du rôle social de la littérature et de l’écrivain qui circulent dans les années 1950. La réception contrastée des romans sociaux signale leur qualité littéraire parfois moyenne, mais un enthousiasme pour les représentations du « milieu ». Articulant histoire, politique et travail industriel, les romans de Pierre Gélinas et de Jean-Jules Richard offrent un point de vue informé par une sensibilité communiste sur les grèves ouvrières de l’époque. Dans leurs œuvres, tout comme dans celles publiées à la revue et aux Éditions Parti pris, les représentations des femmes proposent par leur complexité une perspective éclairante sur la vie économique. La figure du chauffeur de taxi, coureur des bois (et des rues) moderne, témoigne exemplairement de l’exploration de la marginalité et de la mobilité qu’on retrouve dans plusieurs parutions de la maison d’édition. Le dernier chapitre s’attache à la figure de la ménagère et à la question du travail ménager. En étudiant Maryse de Francine Noël et Le Silence de la Cité d’Élisabeth Vonarburg, nous réévaluons les présupposés selon lesquels le réalisme serait la forme privilégiée de la représentation économique. / This thesis proposes an analysis, through the prism of the imaginaire social, of literay works that represent economic life, from the industrial boom that marked the post-war period to the 1980s. Combining cultural history and sociocriticism, we study the representations of economic life, their conditions of possibility, production and circulation. Our work focuses in particular on the ideological and political dimension of the working classes and of fictitious workers among marginal authors (Jean-Jules Richard, Pierre Gélinas, Germain Archambault, Maurice Gagnon and Élisabeth Vonarburg) and others who are better known (Claude Jasmin, Jacques Ferron, Jacques Renaud, Francine Noël). As the figure of the writer, the worker is a “complex normative focus” (Hamon, 1984). By crossing the analysis of different cultural productions with the reading of specific novels, the thesis questions the supposed disinterest of Québec literature for economic life. We first attempt to rethink the categories and oppositions of literary history: realism, regionalism, “documentary” and the social novel. An analysis of the discourse of writers and critics in periodicals sheds light on the different definitions of the social role of literature and of the writer circulating in the 1950s discourse. The contrasting reception of social novels indicates the average literary quality of some of those literary works but a certain enthusiasm for social representations. Articulating history, politics and industrial work, the novels of Pierre Gélinas and Jean-Jules Richard offer a marginal point of view on the workers' strikes of the time informed by a communist sensibility. In their works, as in those published in the review and in Éditions Parti pris, the representations of women offer, by their complexity, a significant perspective on economic life. The exploration of marginality and mobility in the publishing house's publications creates the figure of the taxi driver, a modern-day coureur des bois. The last chapter focuses on the figure of the housewife and on the issue of housework. By studying Francine Noël's Maryse and Élisabeth Vonarburg's Le Silence de la Cité, we reassess the presupposition that realism is the preferred form of economic representation.