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[pt] A pesquisa intitulada Porque elas aparentam ser meninas ou agem como meninas: apagamento de identidades não-binárias em traduções do mangá Houseki no kuni analisa cinco traduções do referido mangá – duas traduções profissionais, uma para o inglês e uma para o francês; e três traduções amadoras, uma para o português, uma para o espanhol e uma para o inglês – e como essas lidaram com a não-binariedade dxs personagens. O objetivo foi examinar as maneiras nas quais ideologias hegemônicas de tradução e cis-heteronormativas podem levar ao apagamento de identidades LGBTQAI(mais). A análise dos dados demonstrou que todas as traduções para línguas neolatinas, assim como a tradução amadora para o inglês designaram um gênero axs personagens. No caso das línguas neolatinas, a análise dos meta e paratextos sugerem que o gênero gramatical dessas línguas desempenhou um papel importante no apagamento da não-binariedade de gênero. Contudo, também se verificou evidências da influência de ideologias cis-heteronormativas na escolha das estratégias tradutórias empregadas. Dentre as traduções analisadas, apenas a tradução profissional para o inglês não designou um gênero axs personagens. Contudo, a análise de fontes metatextuais revelou que ideologias de tradução relacionadas à ideia de fluência estavam por trás das estratégias tradutórias utilizadas, resultando em uma tradução que mantém a não-binariedade, porém, não a visibiliza. Ao estudar as ideologias cis-heteronormativas e de tradução que subjazem às estratégias tradutórias empregadas, a presente pesquisa contribui para entender como identidades LGBTQAI(mais) podem ser facilmente apagadas em traduções e propor formas de visibilizá-las a fim de combater a hegemonia cis-heteronormativa. / [en] The research entitled Because they look like girls or act like girls: erasure of non-binary identities in translations of the Houseki no kuni manga analyzes five translations of the referred manga - two professional translations, one into English and one into French ; and three amateur translations, one into Portuguese, one into Spanish and one into English - and how they dealt with the non-binary gender of the characters. The objective was to examine the ways in which cis-heteronormative ideologies and hegemonic translation ideologies can lead to the erasure of LGBTQAI (plus) identities. The analysis of the data showed that all the translations to Neo-Latin languages, as well as the amateur translation into English designated a gender to the characters. In the case of Neo-Latin languages, the analysis of meta and paratexts suggests that the grammatical gender of these languages played an important role in erasing the non-binary gender of the characters. However, there was also evidence of the influence of cis-heteronormative ideologies in the choice of translation strategies employed. Among the translations analyzed, only the professional translation into English did not designate a gender to the characters. However, the analysis of metatextual sources revealed that translation ideologies related to the idea of fluency were behind the translation strategies used, resulting in a translation that maintains the non-binary gender of the characters, but does not make it visible. By studying the cis-heteronormative and translation ideologies that underlie the translation strategies employed, this research contributes to understand how LGBTQAI (plus) identities can be easily erased in translations and propose ways to make them visible in order to fight cis-heteronormative hegemony.

This thesis explores the family language policies (FLP) of two Somali-Swedish families living in Rinkeby, Stockholm. It focuses on the relationships between FLP and identity construction in different social spaces. It aims to address three main gaps in the FLP research in Sweden: in representation, methodology, and epistemological understandings of family, language, and policy. Most studies focus on families originating in the global North, which renders invisible the practices of families representing minoritized indigenous or immigrants – the South in the North. Moreover, few studies investigate FLP in interaction, resulting in a knowledge gap of FLP as practiced. In general, issues of power in relation to languages, social inequalities and status in society are barely present, yet, understanding relationships between linguistic practices and social structures at different scales seems crucial for understanding how language ideologies emerge and inform FLP. This study thus contributes to the field of FLP by investigating the language practices of two Somali-Swedish families, the language ideologies shaping these practices, as well as the everyday challenges they face in raising children multilingually. It uses an ethnographic design, drawing on interviews and fieldnotes, with attention to researcher positionality. Throughout, the thesis takes a decolonial stance, discussing how North-South entanglements are present in the interactions of marginalized populations and illuminating their experiences of struggle and oppression. Findings suggest that, for these families, FLP is an intentional act of maintaining the Somali language, although practices do not always align with this policy. Participants use in fact a broad linguistic repertoire in their interactions, constructing multiple identities in different spaces through their discursive practices, which are connected to their FLP. These practices are informed by ideologies on the importance of Somali in identity-building and in connecting people within the Somali diaspora, and by the supposed benefits of multilingualism. Participants report challenges in maintaining their FLP, such as the main role attributed to mothers in language maintenance, facing negative reactions to FLP from peers and society, and lack of institutional support. Results from this thesis contribute to redressing the identified gaps by researching participants’ own views on what is important for them and what challenges they face, an essential element for a decolonial approach. They also offer a critical perspective on multilingualism in FLP, locating language within southern perspectives. Results could also aid state actors working with Somali-Swedish families, enabling them to offer more focused support regarding raising multilingual children.

This thesis explores the family language policies (FLP) of two Somali-Swedish families living in Rinkeby, Stockholm. It focuses on the relationships between FLP and identity construction in different social spaces. It aims to address three main gaps in the FLPresearch in Sweden: in representation, methodology, and epistemological understandings of family, language, and policy. Most studies focus on families originating in the global North, which renders invisible the practices of families representing minoritized indigenous or immigrants – the South in the North. Moreover, few studies investigate FLP in interaction, resulting in a knowledge gap of FLP as practiced. In general, issues of power in relation to languages, social inequalities and status in society are barely present, yet, understanding relationships between linguistic practices and social structures at different scales seems crucial for understanding how language ideologies emerge and inform FLP. This study thus contributes to the field of FLP by investigating the language practices of two Somali-Swedish families, the language ideologies shaping these practices, as well as the everyday challenges they face in raising children multilingually. It uses an ethnographic design, drawing on interviews and fieldnotes, with attention to researcher positionality. Throughout, the thesis takes a decolonial stance, discussing how North-South entanglements are present in the interactions of marginalized populations and illuminating their experiences of struggle and oppression. Findings suggest that, for these families, FLP is an intentional act of maintaining the Somali language, although practices do not always align with this policy. Participants use in fact a broad linguistic repertoire in their interactions, constructing multiple identities in different spaces through their discursive practices, which are connected to their FLP. These practices are informed by ideologies on the importance of Somali in identity-building and in connecting people within the Somali diaspora, and by the supposed benefits of multilingualism. Participants report challenges in maintaining their FLP, such as the main role attributed to mothers in language maintenance, facing negative reactions to FLP from peers and society, and lack of institutional support. Results from this thesis contribute to redressing the identified gaps by researching participants’ own views on what is important for them and whatchallenges they face, an essential element for a decolonial approach. They also offer a critical perspective on multilingualism in FLP, locating language within southern perspectives. Results could also aid state actors working with Somali-Swedish families, enabling them to offer more focused support regarding raising multilingual children.

Les inégalités économiques et la polarisation idéologique ont tendance à augmenter au sein de la majorité des démocraties avancées depuis maintenant plusieurs décennies. Ce mémoire évalue statistiquement le lien unissant ces deux variables en portant une attention particulière sur quatre théories explicatives ressortant de la littérature sur le sujet, soit (1) la théorie de l’indignation politique, (2) la théorie du conflit politique, (3) la théorie du pouvoir relatif et (4) la théorie du pluralisme polarisant. L’analyse quantitative de ces quatre approches se base par ailleurs sur la construction d’un nouvel indice de polarisation issu des données de la Varieties of Party Identity and Organization Dataset visant à évaluer les fluctuations idéologiques des partis politiques. Deux principales conclusions découlent de cette étude. D’abord, la polarisation idéologique des démocraties avancées semble en grande partie être due à une « gauchisation » de l’ensemble des partis politiques majeurs des pays analysés, confirmant partiellement l’argumentation de la théorie du conflit politique. Ensuite, les États multipartistes avec des régimes électoraux proportionnels se sont en moyenne davantage polarisés en réponse à l’augmentation des inégalités économiques que les pays caractérisés par des systèmes majoritaires ou mixtes. Ces résultats confirment donc la logique de la théorie du pluralisme polarisant et permettent au final de mieux comprendre comment le design institutionnel des États peut jouer un rôle influent dans le déploiement conjoint des inégalités et de la polarisation des partis politiques. / Economic inequalities and ideological polarization have tended to increase within the majority of advanced democracies over the past decades. This analytical study aims to statistically assess the link between these two variables by putting a particular focus on four explanatory theories drawn from the existing literature: (1) the political outrage theory, (2) the political conflict theory, (3) the relative power theory, and (4) the polarized pluralism theory. The quantitative analysis of these four explanations is based on the construction of a new polarization index derived from data from the Varieties of Party Identity and Organization Dataset and aims to evaluate ideological fluctuations among political parties inside a specific country. Two main conclusions emerge from this study. First, a leftward shift in most of the major political parties of the analyzed countries seems to be the largest contributor to the ideological polarization of advanced democracies, partially confirming the logic of the political conflict theory. Secondly, multi-party systems with proportional elections have, on average, become more polarized in response to increasing economic inequalities compared to countries with majoritarian or mixed systems, thus confirming the logic of the polarized pluralism theory. These results ultimately shed light on the way institutional design can play an influential role in the simultaneous unfolding of economic inequalities and party polarization.

[pt] Esta dissertação tem como objetivo apresentar uma análise preliminar das causas que fomentam os conflitos político-ideológicos, utilizando como uma das principais bases teóricas os estudos do psicólogo social Jonathan Haidt, dentre outras abordagens por mim consideradas relevantes no tema. O objetivo é identificar se essas causas podem explicar o nível de polarização apresentado nas eleições de 2018 no Brasil, esclarecendo as causas gerais do comportamento humano que levam à polarização, como as razões que levam seres humanos a se unirem em grupos e a entrarem em conflitos, além de identificar as causas específicas dos conflitos entre direita e esquerda, delimitando de forma objetiva as suas diferenças e incompatibilidades. Para alcançar esse objetivo, foi necessário realizar um levantamento de teorias de diversas áreas do conhecimento, como a Psicologia Social, Biologia Evolutiva, Filosofia Moral, além das Ciências Sociais. As conclusões preliminares indicam que há fatores evolutivos e inatistas que norteiam a divisão de grupos e que as causas dos conflitos ideológicos estão relacionadas à dificuldade de diálogo e consenso devido às divergentes visões de mundo e fundamentações morais. A polarização brasileira vista nas eleições presidenciais de 2018 se tratou de uma polarização político-ideológica. Dessa forma, o levantamento teórico apresentado neste trabalho poderá servir de base para uma análise empírica mais aprofundada sobre o tema. / [en] This master s thesis aims to present a preliminary analysis of the causes that fuel political-ideological conflicts, using as one of the main theoretical bases the studies of the social psychologist Jonathan Haidt, among other relevant theoretical approaches. The objective is to identify whether these causes can explain the level of polarization presented in the 2018 elections in Brazil, clarifying the general causes of human behavior that lead to polarization, such as the reasons that lead humans to join groups and enter into conflicts, as well as identifying the specific causes of conflicts between right and left, objectively delimiting their differences and incompatibilities. To achieve this objective, it was necessary to survey theories from various areas of knowledge, such as Social Psychology, Evolutionary Biology, Moral Philosophy, and Social Sciences. Preliminary conclusions indicate that there are evolutionary and innate factors that guide the division of groups and that the causes of ideological conflicts are related to the difficulty of dialogue and consensus due to divergent worldviews and moral foundations. The Brazilian polarization seen in the 2018 presidential elections was a political-ideological polarization. Thus, the theoretical survey presented in this work can serve as a basis for a more in-depth empirical analysis of the subject.

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Through close textual analysis of 20^th century Czech anthropological texts from the Revivalist and Socialist periods and contemporary social research conducted after the Velvet Revolution, I demonstrate certain prominent discourses of identity developed in early Bohemian anthropology and their continuities in present day popular discourses. In each period, identity is deeply intertwined with teleological theories of history with Czech populations at the apex of cultural evolutionary development. In the Revivalist period this apex was believed to be the democratic nation state, transitioning to a Marxist nation state in the Socialist period, and in the contemporary period is conceived of as a neoliberal nation state. A major function of anthropology in the Revivalist and Socialist periods was to legitimate either period’s respective teleological theory and Czech possession of relevant values as 'objective' and 'natural' fact, a general mode of discourse which continued in the contemporary period in numerous editorials in the 1990s on the advantages of capitalism. The contemporary manifestation has particularly noteworthy consequences for the Roma minority, which I argue has provided Czech discourses with an ethnic category 'anti-thetical' to their own identity, providing a 'repository' for negative Czech self-stereotypes emerging from collaboration in the Socialist period.

Caryl Churchill, the most widely performed female dramatist in contemporary British theatre, is a playwright preoccupied with the dissection of the traditional relations of power. She challenges social and dramatic conventions through her innovative exploration of the male gaze, the objectification of women, the performativity of gender, and women as objects of exchange within a masculine economy. In so doing, Churchill locates her concerns in the area of `materialism and gender'. Churchill explicates a socialist-feminist position by pointing directly at the failure of liberal feminism. The lack of a sense of community among women, highlighted by Churchill's portrayal of women such as Marlene in `Top Girls', forms a critical aspect of Churchill's work. Her drama re-iterates how meaningful change is impossible while women continue to oppress one another, and while economic structures perpetuate patriarchy. Altered consciousness, aligned to socio-political re-structuring, is necessary for both the oppressors and the oppressed, in a society where too much emphasis has been placed on individualism. The outspoken hope for a transgression of the conventional processes of identification and other omnipresent, oppressive socio-political phenomena, is a strong aspect of Churchill's work. Her plays reveal how signs create reality rather than reflect it, and she uses Brechtian-based distancing methods to induce a critical examination of gendered relations. Time-shifting, overlapping dialogue, doubling and cross-casting are used by Churchill to manipulate the sign-systems of the dominant order. Cross-gender casting, Churchill's most widely reviewed dramatic device, is employed to destabilise fixed sexual identities determined by dominant heterosexual ideology. She calls into question the traditional sign `Woman' - which is constructed by and for the male gaze - and addresses the marginality of the female experience in a non-linear framework. Although dealing with serious issues, Churchill's plays are often executed in a style that is at once amusing and thought-provoking to exclude the possibility of didacticism. With her skilful use of language and innovative techniques as her highly effective instruments, Churchill accomplishes her broader purpose with originality. In its originality and complexity, her drama is in itself a `new possibility' for different forms. / English Studies / M. A. (English)