This thesis focuses on the structural and behavioural factors that placed South Asian immigrant women living with HIV/AIDS in the Greater Toronto Area at risk. Informed by Connell's social theory of gender (1987), this study examined the role of hegemonic masculinity in legitimizing male power and contributing to the HIV risk of these women. By conducting one-on-one interviews with 12 HIV-positive immigrant women, meaningful constructions of the women's narratives and accounts of their experiences relative to HIV were created. This study examined the intersection of power ideologies such as gender, race and class in specific contexts as they generated particular experiences that affected women's risk for HIV. Following a community-based research approach, a collaborative relationship was established with the Alliance for South Asian AIDS Prevention where qualitative methods of analysis and an inductive approach with an iterative process were followed. Factors such as isolation, economic dependence on their husbands, discrimination, racism, investment in psychologically and emotionally abusive relationships, combined with the absence of support from their family of origin exacerbated the women's risk of HIV infection. The strong ties exhibited by most of the women to their religious/ethnic communities helped sustain a gender-based social hierarchy. To facilitate dialogue and social change for South Asian women, gender and culture need to be situated in social and historical contexts. As such, programs should be understood within a larger critical understanding of the social power relations and history of Canadian immigration patterns. Using anti-racist frameworks, initiatives should address violence against women, while tackling interrelated issues (i.e., housing, poverty, etc.). This work draws attention to oppressions through the experiences of a community of women who are rarely given a voice within the context of research on HIV/AIDS. It will be also helpful for Ontario’s HIV prevention strategy and the field of women's sexual health.

Le stéréotype, représentation caricaturale sur un groupe social, est dénoncé tout le temps mais présent partout. Les diverses productions culturelles auxquelles nous sommes quotidiennement confrontés, des émissions télévisées aux articles politiques, du discours quotidien aux films hollywoodiens, participent à reproduire ces représentations caricaturales. La persistance de certaines représentations, non perçues comme stéréotypées, participent à des processus de stéréotypification : par leur récurrence et leur évidence, elles sont posées comme allant de soi, comme le reflet objectif d’une réalité tangible. Sous cette catégorisation qui est parfois questionnée dans la sphère publique, ce n’est pas la validité d’existence de ce classement qui est remise en cause mais la volonté d’appréhender le caractère véritable des qualités essentialistes de ce que l’on regroupe sous une étiquette. Or, le stéréotype, malgré sa capacité à revendiquer une universalité, est le fruit d’un travail culturel, historiquement et politiquement construit. De fait, le stéréotype est un vecteur hégémonique qui peut traduire des tendances idéologiques dominantes sous-jacentes à son expression : il incarne la façon dont sont légitimées et naturalisées ces représentations à un moment donné et dans une conjoncture particulière. Je tenterai de définir théoriquement dans ce mémoire le stéréotype au sein du discours social et plus particulièrement au sein des mediacultures. J’investiguerai sa circulation, son caractère politique, son incidence normative et, par corrolaire, sa fonction hégémonique. Puis, à l’aide d’une analyse intertextuelle critique, je tenterai empiriquement de discerner les stéréotypes et les idéologies qui les sous-tendent au sein de trois comédies romantiques hollywoodiennes. A partir de l’observation de ces productions culturelles de divertissement, ce travail m’amènera à dégager deux idéologies prégnantes - l’idéologie capitaliste et l’idéologie patriarcale -; sous-tendues par un ensemble d’autres idéologies qui, d’une façon ou d’une autre, rejoignent les principales : idéologie de la masculinité, de l’hétérosexualité, d’un idéal socio-économique, etc. / Stereotypes, caricatural representions about social groups, are always denounced, still present everywhere. The diverse cultural productions surrounding us everyday, from tv shows to politic articles, from everyday life discourse to hollywood movies, contribute to reproduce these caricatural representations. This persistence of certain representations – unperceived as stereotypical – participate in stereotypical process : by their recurrence and supposedly evident nature, they seem taken-for-granted, as an objective mirror of a tangible reality. Even if this categorisation is sometimes questionned, it is not the nature of this classification that is called into question but which essentialist qualities, which true inherent characteristics, should be enumerate under this label. Yet, the characteristics presented by the stereotype are not universal : this is the work of an ongoing, historical, cultural and political construction. Thus, the stereotype is an hegemonic vehicule which translates ideological trends underlying its expression : it embodies the ways by which are legitimized and naturalized these representations in a specific context. In this paper, I shall define theoretically the stereotypes and probe how function their underlying ideologies within social discourse, and more precisely within mediacultures. I shall investigate their political nature, normative impacts and ideological functions. Then, using a critical intertextual approach, I will try to detect empirically which stereotypes and ideologies are pregnant in three hollywood romantic comedies. From the observation of this cultural prouctions of entertainment, I will extricate two main ideologies : one capitalistic and one patriarchal; which will lead to underline other underneath but linked ideologies of heterosexuality, masculinity, socio-economic ideal, etc.

Cette thèse a pour objet l’analyse du système de santé et des inégalités en matière de santé en Thaïlande. Il s’agit d’abord d’identifier les acteurs politiques du système de santé et les idéologies sur lesquelles ils se fondent, et sur cette base, d’examiner la manière dont les politiques mises en œuvre ont affecté la santé et la distribution de santé. En Thaïlande, la triade nationale "Nation-Bouddhisme-Roi" a imprégné toute la société, y compris le système de santé. Elle a également influencé les acteurs et les décideurs politiques qui ont conçu le système de protection sociale thaïlandais. Influencé par l'utilitarisme-nationalisme, le ministère de la Santé a privilégié l'efficacité plutôt que l'égalité, et a amélioré la santé de la population afin d'augmenter la croissance économique. Influencés par le bouddhisme, certains technocrates ont lancé des politiques de promotion de la santé, basées sur le concept de Karma, qui renforcent la responsabilité individuelle, mais ignorent les inégalités sociales. Les organisations caritatives royales ont fourni des soins de santé pour des groupes marginalisés, mais de nombreux patients n'ont toujours pas été traités. Grâce à ces acteurs, de nombreux indicateurs de santé de la population ont été améliorés, mais parallèlement les disparités de santé ont été renforcées. La réforme de la santé, lancée en 2001 par le parti Thai Rak Thai, a mis en place un nouveau programme d'assurance maladie qui fournit des soins de base à tous les Thaïlandais. Bien que de nombreux bilans aient confirmé la réduction des inégalités et l'amélioration de l'accès aux soins, certains groupes d'intérêts ont largement protesté. Ce nouveau programme, fondé sur l'égalité des chances et le droit à la santé, a involontairement défié les anciens acteurs et les anciennes idéologies. En conséquence, les conflits dans le système de santé et l'instabilité politique ont entravé le développement de nouvelles politiques de santé. / This thesis uses a political economy frame to analyze Thailand’s health system and its inequalities in health. After identifying the political actors of the health care system and the ideologies on which they are based, it examines the way in which the policies put in work have affected the health and the distribution of health. In Thailand, national trilogy "Nation-Buddhism-King" impregnated the whole political pattern, including health system. It also influenced political agents and political decision-makers in building the Thai social protection system. Influenced by utilitarianism and nationalism, the Ministry of Health had prioritized efficiency, rather than equality, and improved population health in order to increase economic growth. Due to Buddhism, some technocrats have launched health promotion policies based on the concept of Karma that reinforced individual responsibility for health, but ignored social inequalities that affected health-risk behaviors. Royal charities have provided health care for marginalized groups for long times, but many patients still were left untreated. Thanks to these actors, many health indicators were improved, but, at the same time, it increased health disparities between rich and poor, rural areas and urban areas, as between Bangkok and the poorest regions, North and Northeast. In 2001, Thai Rak Thai party launched a new health insurance program providing basic health care for all Thais. Although many reports confirmed the good results of a policy that reduced some inequalities and improved health care access for the poor, it raised the opposition from several stake-holders groups. This new program, based on equal opportunities and the right to health, unintentionally challenged the old policies and the old ideologies in health care justice. As a result, conflicts in health system as well as political instability as a whole constrained the development of new health policies for the next generations.

Cette recherche contribue à la compréhension de la légitimité de l'audit conjoint. Elle vise à la fois à mettre en exergue les pressions institutionnelles qui influent sur la pérennité du modèle et à ouvrir une boite noire qui est celle des interactions entre co-Auditeurs. Elle présente aussi l'impact de ces pressions sur les relations au sein du modèle et inversement. Nous avons adopté un cadre théorique mobilisant les concepts de la théorie de la structuration et de la théorie néo-Institutionnelle. Notre démarche est compréhensive et s'appuie sur une étude de cas multiples avec le cas du co-Commissariat aux comptes en France et le cas du to-Revisor systemet au Danemark. Nous avons privilégié les entretiens et les données historiques comme modes de collecte de données. Les rôles joués par les législateurs et les régulateurs semblent à l'origine des évolutions différentes du modèle d'audit conjoint pour les deux cas. Malgré ces points de divergence, nous avons pu établir un point commun qui relève de l'importance des normes culturelles pour la pérennité de l’audit conjoint et de son adoption dans d’autres contextes. L'idéologie du contrat équitable a largement influé sur la perception du modèle par les auditeurs danois et français. Cette vision prônant l'efficience des modes de gouvernance a donné lieu au déclin de la logique de l'honneur en France et à celle du Grundtvigianisme au Danemark. / This research contributes to an understanding of joint audit's legitimacy. It aims to highlight the institutional pressures affecting the sustainability of the model and opens a black box which is the interaction between joint auditors. It also shows the impact of these pressures on the relationships within the model and vice versa. We have adopted a theoretical framework using the concepts ofstructuration theory and new institutionalism. Our approach is comprehensive and based on a multiple-Case study with the co-Commissariat aux comptes in France and the to-Revisor systemet in Denmark. We used interviews and historical data as means of data collection. The roles of legislators and regulators seem to trigger different evolutions of the joint audit for both cases. Despite these points of divergence, we were able to establish a common matter relating to the importance of cultural standards for the persistence of joint auditing and its adoption in other contexts. The ideology of fair contract has greatly influenced the perception of the model by the Danish and French auditors. This vision promoting efficient modes of governance has led to the decline of the logic of honor in France and that of Grundtvigianism in Denmark.

Cette recherche doctorale interroge la construction des identités linguistiques dans les trajectoires migratoires et le processus d’intégration de migrants africains plurilingues, dont les parcours de vie s’inscrivent dans les espaces francophones pluriels et diversitaires que constituent l’Afrique subsaharienne, la France hexagonale et l’Acadie du Nouveau-Brunswick. Elle repose sur une démarche comparée ayant pour but de chercher à comprendre comment et dans quelle mesure les migrants originaires d’Afrique noire s'inscrivent respectivement dans les contextes d'intégration particuliers que constituent l'Acadie du Nouveau-Brunswick et la France, en misant ou pas sur leur identité et compétence francophones. Cette recherche s’inscrit par ailleurs dans une perspective qualitative herméneutique accordant une place primordiale aux expériences des personnes et à l’historicité des processus et des phénomènes sociaux innervant ces expériences. L’étude menée propose, dans cette perspective, une lecture sociolinguistique des histoires de vie et biographies langagières des migrants rencontrés : approche qui permet d’interpréter les expériences mises en mots par ces derniers, et de saisir la portée des reconfigurations engendrées par la confrontation à des environnements sociolinguistiques et socioculturels autres que ceux qui les ont institués en tant qu’individus-Locuteurs / This doctoral thesis explores the construction of linguistic identities in migrants' trajectories and the integration process of multilingual African migrants whose life courses are contextualized by the multiple and diversified Francophone spaces which Sub-Saharan Africa, mainland France and New Brunswick's Acadie represent. It is based on a comparative approach aimed at understanding how, and to what extent, migrants from Black Africa are integrated into each specific settlement context of New Brunswick's Acadie and France, and whether or not their integration validates their Francophone identity and competencies. Further, the research is informed by a hermeneutic qualitative perspective, which places primary importance on the lived experiences of individuals and the historicity of the social processes and phenomena underlying their experiences. Using this perspective, the study presents a sociolinguistic reading of life histories and linguistic biographies of the migrants interviewed. This approach makes it possible to interpret the experiences articulated in their comments, and to define the impact of reconfigurations generated by their contact with sociolinguistic and sociocultural environments different from those in which they first established themselves as individual speakers.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:25:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3383.pdf: 18250312 bytes, checksum: 8c87d4b3d0764467fde3c1dd6cf81238 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-12-16 / In this work we purpose a study of the relationships and discursive struggles that are established on material bases of society, the infrastructure, through the discourses that are produced about the economical activities linked to agribusiness. We are interested in understanding how the actions of the concrete base are prepared, justified and modified through discourses, through word, through signs. Thus, by the study of various discourses collected in the most varied spheres of human activity, of many different genres, we intend to build a comprehension of the tense ideological and discursive struggles that are waged in the materiality of the enunciations, according to divergent conceptions, values and positions related to agricultural and livestock activities on a large scale - agribusiness. That's if we consider that there are discourses that construct this economic activity as the key to the economic development of our country, and to sustain this position, struggle to maintain and strengthen the present order of things; and, by the other hand, there are conceptions that link all these efforts and investments to reinforce the historical Brazilian position as a supplier of raw materials to the international market. The discursive differences are ideological differences, which constitute a clash between stability and instability, a discursive struggle, which is an ideological struggle, since that ideological signs that constitute the discourses refract e reflect the same reality in different ways, since they are grounded on class interests. / Com este trabalho pretendemos traçar um estudo das relações e lutas discursivas que se estabelecem nas bases materiais da sociedade, a infraestrutura, por meio dos discursos que se produzem sobre as atividades econômicas ligadas ao agronegócio. Interessa-nos compreender de que maneira as ações da base concreta são preparadas, justificadas e modificadas por meio de discursos, via palavra, via signo. Assim, tomando discursos coletados nas mais diversas esferas de atividade humana, dos mais variados gêneros, buscamos construir compreensões das tensas lutas discursivas e ideológicas que se travam na concretude dos enunciados, em função de concepções, valorações e tomadas de posição divergentes em relação às atividades agrícolas e pecuárias em larga escala, o agronegócio. Isso porque consideramos que há discursos que constroem essa atividade econômica como a chave para o desenvolvimento econômico de nosso país e, para sustentar tal posicionamento, luta pela manutenção e fortalecimento da atual ordem das coisas; e, por outro lado, há concepções que apontam todos esses esforços e investimentos como a consolidação da já histórica posição do Brasil de fornecedor de matéria-prima ao mercado internacional. As divergências discursivas são divergências ideológicas, que constituem um embate entre a estabilidade e a instabilidade, uma luta discursiva, que é uma luta ideológica, posto que os signos ideológicos que constituem os discursos refratam e refletem uma mesma realidade de maneiras distintas, uma vez que são pautados nos interesses de classes.

This research aims at finding how BBC and AJE media represented the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The study examines the news website, which reported the recent escalation of Jerusalem conflict in December 2017, where US President Trump have recognized Jerusalem as Israeli capital, and declared to move the US embassy from Tel-Aviv to Jerusalem. The study uses qualitative research, where it investigated the impact of ideology on media discourse by means of critical discourse analysis (DHA, Topoi, and Social actor’s representation). CDA was carried out for a sample of 8 news articles published on the websites of two networks: the British Broadcasting Corporation World news "BBCWN" and the Middle Eastern Qatari owned "Al Jazeera English". The articles were chosen within the month of December 2017. Articles were analyzed by means of the two-level analysis method, including the thematic and in-depth analysis. On the first, entry-level analysis, I focus on contents of texts and outline the discourse topics. While in the second phase I analyze the means of discursive strategies and the representation of social actors utilized throughout the text. The thematic analysis revealed that, both BBC and AJE have covered the incident similarly in general look. However, in-depth analysis showed that each network had portrayed the images of Israelis and Palestinians differently. On contrast of AJE, BBC tends to perceive Palestinians as a threat and the Israeli one as victims of the Palestinian violation. Moreover, the analysis revealed that each network had different ideologies and aims. The study concludes that AJE articles was biased pro-Palestinians, while BBC articles was biased pro-Israelis.

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No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Daniella do Amaral - 2016.pdf: 2913852 bytes, checksum: 765e4fcd2fd1d70b0f3ce1b51f5cf65c (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-08 / This study discusses the relation between linguistic ideologies and identity based on studies about metapragmatics and categories of difference in a context of skilled migration in Brazil, specifical\y the migrations associated with the More Doctors for Brazil Program, a program implemented by the Brazilian government which includes, among other actions, a migration policy (both national and transnational). This research aims to identify the linguistic ideologies built in media public texts about More Doctors for Brazil Program migrants in Brazil and to relate the metapragmatics and categories of difference to the discussion of the relation between linguistic ideologies and identity in discourses produced about skilled migrants and their linguistic practices. To achieve these purposes, studies about linguistic ideologies will be used, such as those developed by Kroskrity (2004; 2008) and Blommaert (2014), as well as theories about categories of difference, mainly inserted in Piscitelli (2008), and about metapragmatics, as in Signorini (2008) and Blommaert (2010). ln addition, it is necessary to approach and relate the concepts of communicapility and mediatization introduced by Briggs (2005, 2007, 2011) in order to make it possible to.:.,understand the process of mediation of the news communicated on/by the media. The proposed methodology for this study is qualitative and document-based, using the selection of public texts for an analytical approach. The corpus consists of multimodal Brazilian public texts, of wide and varied circu\ation, produced during the period of 2013-20,14, concerning More Doctors for Brazil Program. The analysis shows that: 1) the notions of scale and textual traffic are essential to understand the visual networks found in the texts about the More Doctors for Brazil Program; 2) metapragmatics is central to the functioning of Tumblr posts and 3) the issue of language in the More Doctors for Brazil Program context is pointed as thé main argu'ment attempting to invalidate the program, or even attempting to validate its negative evaluation. The conclusion therefore is that it is necessary to extrapolate the ideological projections held by the mediatization process from the mediated communicability, in order to understand and, even more, transform and/or update the movement of production and reproduction of dominant national identities widespread and assimilated through 1anguage and differentiation of bodies in qualified and planned miaration contexts, as it is the case of More Doctors for Brazil Proaram. / O presente estudo discute a relação entre ideologias linguísticas e identidade a partir dos estudos sobre metapragmática e categorias de diferença em contexto de migração qualificada no Brasil, especificamente as migrações associadas ao Programa Mais Médicos (PMM), um programa implementado pelo governo brasileiro que inclui, entre outras ações, uma política migratória (nacional e transnacional). São objetivos desta pesquisa identificar as ideologias linguísticas construídas em textos públicos midiáticos sobre migrantes do PMM no Brasil e relacionar as metapragmáticas e categorias de diferença à discussão da relação entre ideologias linguísticas e identidade nos discursos produzidos sobre migrantes qualificados e suas práticas linguísticas. Para atingir os objetivos propostos, se fará uso dos estudos sobre ideologia linguística, como os desenvolvidos por Kroskrity (2004; 2008) e Blommaert (2014), bem como das teorias sobre categorias de diferença, inseridas principalmente em Piscitelli (2008), e sobre metapragmática. como em Sianorini (2008) e Blommaert (2010). Além disso. faz-se necessario abordar e relacionar os conceitos de comunicabilidade e midiatização apresentados em Briggs (2005, 2007, 2011), de modo a tornar possível a compreensão do processo de mediação das notícias veiculadas na/pela mídia. A metodologia proposta para a realização deste estudo é a qualitativa de base documental, a qual utiliza-se da apuração de textos públicos para uma abordagem analítica. O corpus a ser utilizado compõe-se de textos públicos brasileiros multimodais, de circulação ampla e variada produzidas durante-o período de 2013-2014, relativos ao Programa Mais Médicos. A análise aponta que: 1) as noções de escala e trânsito textual são essenciais para compreender as redes visuais encontradas nos textos sobre o PMM, 2) a metapragmática é central para o funcionamento das postagens do Tumblr e 3) a questão da língua no contexto do PMM é apontada como principal argumento na tentativa de invalidação do programa ou, ainda, na tentativa de validação de sua avaliação negativa. Conclui-se, portanto, que se faz necessário extrapolar as projeções ideológicas sustentadas pelo processo de midiatização a partir da comunicabilidade mediada a fim de compreender e, mais que isso, transformar e/ou atualizar o movimento de produção e reprodução das identidades nacionais dominantes difundidas e assimiladas por meio da linguagem e da diferenciação dos corpos em contextos de migração qualificada e planejada, como é o caso do Programa Mais Médicos.

Dans cette thèse, nous avons participé au débat autour de la stratégie des féministes institutionnelles d'intégration du genre dans le milieu du développement international. Cette stratégie vise la transformation des discours et des pratiques de ce milieu pour y intégrer les questions d'équité de genre. Nous nous sommes posé la question de l'efficacité et la validité de cette stratégie comme façon de travailler pour l'égalité homme-femme. Ainsi, nous avons analysé la construction, appropriation locale et effets d'un projet "genre" de la Banque Mondiale. Lors de la planification et mise en œuvre du projet Generosidad, les féministes institutionnels/elles ont eu une marge de manœuvre par rapport à la construction du discours de perspective de genre et ont pu s'assurer que les programmes du projet soutenaient la démocratisation des relations homme-femme dans les milieux privés et publics. Au niveau local, dans la ville de Pinotepa Nacional, les réactions des leaders qui ont participé à un atelier de sensibilisation en équité de genre du projet démontrent que, -même dans un milieu où il y a un fort machisme, beaucoup de violence, et des rôles de genre bien définis-les leaders locaux se sont appropriés certaines idées des ateliers pour démocratiser les relations de pouvoir. Ils sont ainsi devenus des acteurs dans la construction de la perspective de genre de ce projet, et dans le renforcement de la citoyenneté féminine locale. Nous avons donc conclu que la stratégie des féministes institutionnelles est valide, utile et nécessaire, mais insuffisante vu les résistances rencontrés par les leaders au moment d'essayer d'entamer des actions collectives. / This study aims to contribute to the debate surrounding the institutional feminist strategy of integrating gender into the development field. This strategy advocates the transformation of development discourse and practice through the integration of gender equality concerns. In this work, we examine the effectiveness and validity of this strategy as a means to achieve greater equality between men and women. Thus, we have analyzed the construction, the appropriation and the effects at the local level of a World Bank “gender” project. Institutional feminists involved in planning and implementing the Generosidad project had some flexibility in constructing the project's gender perspective discourse; and were thus able to make sure its programs followed feminist objectives, such as the democratization of gender relations in public and private spheres. The reactions of leaders at the local level who participated in a gender equality and leadership awareness-raising workshop in the city of Pinotepa Nacional show that –even in a context fraught with machismo, violence and well-defined gender roles –local men and women leaders appropriated certain ideas in order to democratize the balance of power between the genders. In so doing, they became actors in the construction of the project's gender perspective, and in reinforcing women's citizenship. We therefore concluded that the institutional feminist strategy is valid, useful and necessary, if not sufficient due to the fact that resistances encountered locally blocked the leaders' efforts for collective action.

English is used worldwide as a native, second and foreign language and as a language of international communication. The uses and status of English in Sweden have been discussed in terms of its influence and ubiquity, with its presence in daily life leading some to consider English could be better described as a second, rather than foreign, language in the country. This study analyses how English is presented in the Swedish educational television series Pick a colour and considers how this can be related to the status of English as a global language and specifically the use of English in Sweden. This paper uses an approach drawing on nexus analysis, together with content analysis, to trace the key language ideologies surrounding English presented in Pick a colour and its surrounding texts, and to locate them within the context of the existing discourses in place. Analysis reveals that the series and related documents make attempts to move away from traditional native speaker British English and American English models of the language, and towards a “Global English” not linked to any specific geographical region and with a focus on communicative competence. However, as British English and American English and native-speaker models of the language are not directly challenged in the documents, and are given the greatest prominence in the series, it seems moving away from the status quo is still difficult in practice. The Swedish settings shown in the series, and emphases on the use of English in pupils’ daily lives allude to English being approached in a way more similar to a second, rather than foreign language in Sweden.