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abstract: The Arizona legislature has enacted a number of anti-immigrant policies which negatively impact Latino immigrant families. The purpose of this study was to explore the perceptions of Latino parents on how anti-immigration policies emotionally impact their children and how they believe they can protect their children from the harmful effects of such policies. Secondary data analysis was conducted based on in-depth semi structured interviews completed with a sample of 54 Latino immigrant parents residing in the state of Arizona. Grounded theory methods informed the analysis process. A constant comparative approach was used to complete initial and focused coding. Findings indicate that Latino immigrant parents observed a range of behavioral changes in their children following the passage of anti-immigrant legislature. Parents reported that the emotional impact they observed stemmed from children's social interactions in their home, school, and community environments as well as through their exposure to the media. Latino youth experienced emotional impact is summarized in the following themes, concern and sense of responsibility; fear and hypervigilance; sadness and crying; and depression. Findings further demonstrated that parents protected Latino youth from anti-immigration policies directly and indirect ways by focusing on children's safety and well-being (let children live their childhood, be prepared, send messages), building parents capacity (pursue education, obtain papers), and engaging in change efforts at the community level (be proactive). Parents indicated that by engaging in these efforts they could protect their children, and counter the negative effects of anti-immigrant policies. Implications for social work practice to better advocate and serve Latino youth at the individual, family, and community level are discussed. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Social Work 2015

There has been a recent trend in Western Europe that is out of place with the liberal society that exists there. Governments have been passing laws that are discriminatory against Muslims. This may seem to be a result of the September 11th attacks in America. However, this is not the case. Britain, France, and the Netherlands have all had their own events that have changed the perspectives of their people. These events did not all make the international news in the way that September 11th did. Yet these events are just as important to look at when asking why this level of discrimination is allowed to exist. Once the event is identified, one must look at how the society and government are structured .. What are the unique cases and situations in each country that allowed the event to take place? Who decided to change the laws? What effect have these laws had? What could these changes mean in the future? With the War on Terror, Islam has come under the microscope. Using textual analysis of other authors and scholars, I hope to answer these questions. However, one cannot look at just Islam alone in hopes of solving the very real problems facing these states today. These states have to deal with a new wave of immigration, and those that are coming in have a much different culture. Values· are hard to change. A workable solution needs to be found in order for both groups, Muslims and non-Muslims, to live in peace.

This dissertation examines the processes and outcomes of the United States’ refugee resettlement policy. Specifically, I ask: how are refugees selected? How are refugees processed abroad? And how are refugees incorporated once they arrive? Drawing on statistical analysis of previously unreleased government data, 150 interviews, and nineteen months of ethnographic fieldwork across the transnational chain of resettlement, this study examines the logics of practice and patterned interactions—among refugees, civil society, and state agencies—that shape outcomes of resettlement. The predominant framework to understand resettlement posits a relatively straightforward reintegration of refugees into national citizenship regimes. In contrast, this dissertation demonstrates how constructions of refugees as “ideal beneficiaries” produced through meso-level social processes shape the distribution of scarce humanitarian resources and the experiences of refugees. I also show that refugees respond to these constructions in complex ways, sometimes internalizing them and sometimes challenging them, thereby creating social dynamics and subjectivities not accounted for by the predominant framework. I develop the above argument across three empirical chapters, each examining a distinct stage of resettlement: selection, processing, and reception. To explain how refugees are selected, I draw attention to a transnational social system of constructing “clean cases.” These are cases that can be identified and processed in stable and predictable ways to meet US admission demands under complex constraints. This system concentrates spaces around a relatively small number of groups, undermining humanitarian ideals of distributional equality. Examining social dynamics of processing, I find that frontline practitioners in Uganda grapple with refugees’ expectations of attaining resettlement and the reality of limited spaces and long, uncertain wait times. Practitioners respond by creating physical barriers and administrative procedures that force refugees to wait and be patient. These findings challenge straightforward notions of resettlement as “solution,” showing instead that processing involves coercion and compounds traumatic waiting. Lastly, at sites of reception, I find that local actors have rescaled federal resettlement policy, but that policies diverge across Atlanta and Pittsburgh because of their distinct histories. I term these local policies “urban incorporation regimes,” and show how they valorize different aspects of refugees’ identity, leading to place-based modes of identification.

O objetivo deste trabalho é estudar a movimentação de imigrantes no Porto do Rio de Janeiro e na Hospedaria da Ilha das Flores entre os anos de 1883 e 1907, procurando relacioná-la com as políticas públicas de incentivo ao fluxo migratório e as mudanças na dinâmica organizacional da referida hospedaria. A ideia é demonstrar através dos relatórios do Ministério da Agricultura, Comércio e Obras Públicas e, posteriormente da Indústria, Viação e Obras Públicas que as oscilações no número de entrada de imigrantes no território brasileiro acompanharam as políticas imigratórias favoráveis ou desfavoráveis a vinda de trabalhadores estrangeiros. Assim, pretende-se demonstrar que a Hospedaria da Ilha das Flores foi uma construção integrada à estrutura dos movimentos imigratórios e que, portanto, sua manutenção esteve sujeita a agenda política do governo imperial e republicano. Nesse sentido, em 1891, após a adoção do sistema federalista, transferiu-se para os estados a responsabilidade pelos serviços referentes à imigração e à colonização, o que reduziu gradativamente o fluxo de imigrantes na Hospedaria da Ilha das Flores, fazendo com que a instituição perdesse a importância que tinha na década anterior. Somente em 1907, diante da dificuldade dos estados em promover a imigração, o poder central retomou as políticas imigratórias e a Hospedaria da Ilha das Flores tornou a florescer. / This work aims at studying the movement of immigrants in the Port of Rio de Janeiro and in the Immigrants Hostel Flores Island between the years of 1883 and 1907, relating it with the public policies which stimulated the migratory stream and the changes in the dynamic organizational of the referred hostel. The idea is to demonstrate through reports of the Department of the Agriculture, Commerce and Public Works and, subsequently the Industry, Viaduct and Public Works that the shifts in the Immigrants Entrance Number in the Brazilian territory were accompanied by migratory policies favorable or unfavorable to the coming of foreign workers. Therefore, it intends to show that the Immigrants Hostel of Flores Island was a construction integrated to the structure of the immigration movements and that, therefore, its maintenance depended on the political agenda of the Republican and Imperial government. In that sense, in 1891, after the adoption of the Federalist system, the responsibility of regarding immigration and colonization services was transferred to the states, which reduced gradually the stream of immigrants in the hostel, which made this institution lose the importance it had had in the previous decade. Only in 1907, when it faced difficulty in promoting immigration, that the central power went back to the migratory policies and the Hostel for Immigrants Hostel of Flores Island started blossoming.

O objetivo deste trabalho é estudar a movimentação de imigrantes no Porto do Rio de Janeiro e na Hospedaria da Ilha das Flores entre os anos de 1883 e 1907, procurando relacioná-la com as políticas públicas de incentivo ao fluxo migratório e as mudanças na dinâmica organizacional da referida hospedaria. A ideia é demonstrar através dos relatórios do Ministério da Agricultura, Comércio e Obras Públicas e, posteriormente da Indústria, Viação e Obras Públicas que as oscilações no número de entrada de imigrantes no território brasileiro acompanharam as políticas imigratórias favoráveis ou desfavoráveis a vinda de trabalhadores estrangeiros. Assim, pretende-se demonstrar que a Hospedaria da Ilha das Flores foi uma construção integrada à estrutura dos movimentos imigratórios e que, portanto, sua manutenção esteve sujeita a agenda política do governo imperial e republicano. Nesse sentido, em 1891, após a adoção do sistema federalista, transferiu-se para os estados a responsabilidade pelos serviços referentes à imigração e à colonização, o que reduziu gradativamente o fluxo de imigrantes na Hospedaria da Ilha das Flores, fazendo com que a instituição perdesse a importância que tinha na década anterior. Somente em 1907, diante da dificuldade dos estados em promover a imigração, o poder central retomou as políticas imigratórias e a Hospedaria da Ilha das Flores tornou a florescer. / This work aims at studying the movement of immigrants in the Port of Rio de Janeiro and in the Immigrants Hostel Flores Island between the years of 1883 and 1907, relating it with the public policies which stimulated the migratory stream and the changes in the dynamic organizational of the referred hostel. The idea is to demonstrate through reports of the Department of the Agriculture, Commerce and Public Works and, subsequently the Industry, Viaduct and Public Works that the shifts in the Immigrants Entrance Number in the Brazilian territory were accompanied by migratory policies favorable or unfavorable to the coming of foreign workers. Therefore, it intends to show that the Immigrants Hostel of Flores Island was a construction integrated to the structure of the immigration movements and that, therefore, its maintenance depended on the political agenda of the Republican and Imperial government. In that sense, in 1891, after the adoption of the Federalist system, the responsibility of regarding immigration and colonization services was transferred to the states, which reduced gradually the stream of immigrants in the hostel, which made this institution lose the importance it had had in the previous decade. Only in 1907, when it faced difficulty in promoting immigration, that the central power went back to the migratory policies and the Hostel for Immigrants Hostel of Flores Island started blossoming.

Comment des travailleurs marocains ont-ils été utilisés pour fermer les mines de charbon du Nord-Pas-de-Calais ? C'est à cette question que répond cette thèse. Elle s'inscrit dans une histoire économique du secteur charbonnier, et dans une socio-histoire des politiques migratoires vues du point de vue non pas de l'Etat mais d'une entreprise, de ses dirigeants et des agents impliqués dans le recrutement, l'administration et le contrôle de ces travailleurs immigrés. Alors que les puits d'extraction du charbon ferment les uns après les autres dans le Nord-Pas-de-Calais, comprendre quel a été le rôle des travailleurs marocains nécessite de situer leurs trajectoires professionnelles dans une histoire de la lente disparition du groupe professionnel des mineurs. Le contexte colonial pèse aussi lourdement, interrogeant les relations entre institutions étatiques et entreprises de part et d'autre de la Méditerranée, ainsi que les modalités d'importation de schèmes racialistes et de pratiques d'encadrement et de contrôle des populations.Cette recherche s'inscrit ainsi à l'intersection d'une sociologie économique de l'entreprise et de la régulation par l'Etat d'un secteur économique, et d'une sociologie historique du travail des politiques migratoires, et de la classe ouvrière. Afin de comprendre la manière dont une grande entreprise a mené, dans la durée, une politique de recrutement de travailleurs immigrés, il est nécessaire de mener l'analyse conjointe des transformations du système productif et des conditions économiques de production de l'entreprise, de l'évolution de la politique de main-d’œuvre interne à l'entreprise, et des trajectoires individuelles au sein d'un groupe professionnel segmenté et hiérarchisé.Les sources mobilisées sont constituées des fonds d'archives des Houillères du Nord-Pas-de-Calais et des Charbonnages de France, des fonds relatifs à la politique charbonnière des gouvernements français, des écrits et débats au sein d'un petit groupe d'ingénieurs-économistes du corps des Mines ayant contribué au pilotage de la récession charbonnière, et de dossiers de carrière de travailleurs des mines. Deux types de quantification sont mis en œuvre : à partir de statistiques de gestion et de main-d’œuvre produites par l'entreprise, et à partir d'un échantillon de 400 dossiers de carrière de mineurs (200 Marocains et 200 non marocains).De la nationalisation du secteur minier à la fermeture du dernier puits du Nord-Pas-de-Calais en 1990, apparaissent les liens entre politiques économiques, évolution du capitalisme français et modalités concrète de la construction, de l'affaiblissement, et de la disparition d'une frange importante de la classe ouvrière. / How were Moroccan workers utilised to close coal mines in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais ? This thesis answers this question by studying the economic history of coal mining in France, and migration policies. Such a historical sociology of migrations sees migration policies from the point of view of a firm -- and not of a state --, and of the agents who contributed to the recruitment, management and control of these migrant workers. As coal pits were being closed one by one, understanding the role of Moroccan workers requires to analyse both their professional trajectories and the slow historical process of disappearing of coal miners. Colonial context also weights heavily, raising the issues of the relationships between state institutions and companies on each shore of the Mediterranean Sea, and of the modalities of importation of racialist ideals and of practices of population management and control.This research is defined at the crossing of an economic sociology of the firm and of state regulation of an economic sector, and a historical sociology of work, migration policies and the working class. In order to understand the way a big company implemented, on the long run, a recruitment policy of immigrant workers, one needs to analyse the transformations of productive systems, the evolutions of the firm's workforce policy, and the individual trajectories of a segmented and hierarchised professional group. Sources are constituted of archives of the Houillères de Nord-Pas-de-Calais and of Charbonnages de France, of archives of the governments coal policies, of writings and debates amongst a small group of engineers-economists (Corps des Mines) who contributed to the piloting of coal recession, and of carreer files of mine workers. Two types of quantification are implemented: from the firm's administrative and workforce policy, and from a sample of 400 career files (200 Moroccans, 200 non Moroccans). From the nationalisation of the whole mining sector to the closing of the last pit in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais, this history manifests the relationships between economic policies, the evolution of French capitalism, and the concrete modalities of the construction, weakening and disappearing of an important segment of the working class.

<p>My three chapters are all related to the study of immigrants in how they impact the US</p> <p>economy. The first two chapters look at international students in particular and how they</p> <p>impact their domestic peers and the local college towns they reside in. The third chapter</p> <p>looks at immigrant workers and their effect on native workers’ propensity to consolidate to</p> <p>form labor unions.</p> <p>To be specific, the first chapter, titled How International students Affect Domestic Students’</p> <p>Achievement: evidence from the OPT STEM-extension, looks at the role of immigrants</p> <p>in shaping the educational outcome of domestic students pursuing STEM degrees</p> <p>in the United States. By utilizing the mass influx of international students after an immigration</p> <p>policy change (OPT-STEM-extension) in 2008, I investigate the peer effects that</p> <p>international students have on grades, attrition, and first-year salary of STEM graduates.</p> <p>I account for the common selection issues present in the peer-effects literature by looking</p> <p>at the yearly exogenous change in international student share in a specific course-instructor</p> <p>pair and controlling for rich individual ability and demographics. This was made possible</p> <p>by having access to administrative data of a land-grant university with one of the highest</p> <p>international student enrollments in the US. I find that international students tend to lower</p> <p>grades and persistence of domestic students in STEM. Still, this negative effect is more than</p> <p>compensated for in the increase in salary due to spill-over effects in learning for those who</p> <p>persist and graduate.</p> <p>My research aims to eventually aid policymakers in both the local educational institutions</p> <p>and the federal government. To this end, I have extended my analysis of international</p> <p>students by shifting my focus outside the classroom to the local economies of the college</p> <p>campuses. In my second chapter, titled International Students’ Effect on Local Businesses, I</p> <p>use the zip code-level Census data on small businesses to see how the influx of international</p> <p>students affected the regional college campuses. I find that international students have a</p> <p>significantly positive effect on job creation in the local economy. To my knowledge, this is</p> <p>the first data-driven-causal analysis of international students on local businesses in the US.</p> <p>12</p> <p>My third chapter is a co-authored work with Alex Nowrasteh and Artem Samiahulin</p> <p>titled Immigrants Reduce Unionization in the US. Here we attempt to relate immigrants to</p> <p>a more traditional labor economics topic: labor unions. Although there is a vast amount of</p> <p>literature on unions, we found that the literature that causally estimates immigrants’ effect</p> <p>on unions is severely lacking in the US setting. Using a combination of representative data</p> <p>such as the CPS, Census, and the ACS, we show that immigrants accounted for about onethird</p> <p>of the decline in unions since the 1980s. We based our paper on the theoretical model</p> <p>of Naylor and Cripps  1993  and borrowed George Borjas’s skill-cell method for our empirical</p> <p>method.(Borjas  2003 )</p>

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar, comparativamente, as políticas de atração, as atividades, os fluxos e deslocamentos dos imigrantes no Brasil e Argentina, focalizando mais especificamente as regiões de São Paulo e Buenos Aires, no período de 1870 a 1930. Procuramos, para os dois países e regiões, identificar as semelhanças e diferenças nas políticas implementadas visando a atração de imigrantes, observar o comportamento dos fluxos migratórios e examinar o papel dos imigrantes na composição das populações e a sua atuação em atividades econômicas nos meios rural e urbano. Examinamos também o fluxo de imigrantes entre o porto de Santos e o porto de Buenos Aires no período, analisando números e origem dos emigrantes assim como as motivações aventadas nas fontes e pela historiografia. As informações e dados compilados para a confecção deste trabalho foram coletados de diversos tipos de fontes: fontes governamentais, legislações, censos, relatório, estatísticas. Os arquivos consultados correspondem a acervos físicos e online. O trabalho está dividido em três capítulos. As fontes revelaram diferenças e semelhanças entre os processos migratórios para Brasil e Argentina. Durante todo o século XIX, tanto no Brasil quanto na Argentina, a necessidade de povoar territórios e encontrar mão de obra para sustentar o desenvolvimento da agricultura agroexportadora norteou os debates governamentais sobre o fomento da imigração. Além de ser uma solução para a falta de braços nas lavouras e para o povoamento de territórios, nos dois países a imigração era vista como o caminho para o progresso, para a modernização da sociedade e para o branqueamento da população. A partir de 1870 até 1930, período das grandes migrações, Brasil e Argentina foram os países que mais receberam imigrantes na América Latina. O Brasil recebeu mais 4,1 milhões de imigrantes e mais de 6,2 milhões se dirigiram para a Argentina. Nesse período, a política de subsídios, custeando as passagens transatlânticas, hospedagem e colocação nas fazendas de café, foi implantada com sucesso no estado de São Paulo. Na Argentina, houve o predomínio da imigração espontânea. As políticas liberais e os altos salários pagos nas épocas de colheitas do trigo e milho também tiveram êxito em atrair estrangeiros. As fontes revelaram também uma mobilidade geográfica e deslocamentos frequentes e de caráter sazonal dos imigrantes entre São Paulo e Buenos Aires. / The present work aims to analyze, comparatively, the policies for attraction, the activities, the flows and displacement of immigrants in Brazil and Argentina, specifically focusing on the regions of São Paulo and Buenos Aires from 1870 to 1930. We intend to identify, for both countries and regions, the similarities and differences of the implemented policies aimed to attract immigrants; to observe the pattern of the migration flows; and to examine the role of immigrants in the composition of these populations and their role within the economic activities at the rural and urban environments. We also examine the immigrants flow between the ports of Santos and Buenos Aires at the time, analyzing the numbers and place of origin of the immigrants, as well as their motivations, reported by the sources and the historiography. The information and data compiled to produce this study were collected from a variety of research sources: government data, laws, censuses, report statistics, among others. The archives consulted correspond to physical and online collections. This work is divided in three chapters. The sources revealed differences and resemblances between the migratory process to Brazil and Argentina. Throughout the nineteenth century, both in Brazil and Argentina, the governmental debates about the promotion of immigration were guided by the need of populating territories and finding labor to sustain the agro-export agriculture development. In addition to being a solution for the lack of work force on the lands and for the settlement of territories, in both countries the immigration was seen as the pathway to progress, society modernization and population whitening. From 1870 to 1930, considered the period with the higher occurrence of migration, Brazil and Argentina were the countries that received the largest amount of immigrants in Latin America. Brazil received more than 4.1 million of immigrants, while more than 6.2 million went to Argentina. In the period, the subsidy policy, financing the transatlantic travels, accommodation and location in the coffee farms, succeeded in São Paulo state. In Argentina, the spontaneous immigration prevailed. The liberal policies for immigrant attraction and the high weights paid on the wheat and maize harvest seasons also succeeded in attracting foreigners. Sources also revealed a geographic mobility and frequent displacements with a seasonal character by immigrants between São Paulo and Buenos Aires.