O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar, comparativamente, as políticas de atração, as atividades, os fluxos e deslocamentos dos imigrantes no Brasil e Argentina, focalizando mais especificamente as regiões de São Paulo e Buenos Aires, no período de 1870 a 1930. Procuramos, para os dois países e regiões, identificar as semelhanças e diferenças nas políticas implementadas visando a atração de imigrantes, observar o comportamento dos fluxos migratórios e examinar o papel dos imigrantes na composição das populações e a sua atuação em atividades econômicas nos meios rural e urbano. Examinamos também o fluxo de imigrantes entre o porto de Santos e o porto de Buenos Aires no período, analisando números e origem dos emigrantes assim como as motivações aventadas nas fontes e pela historiografia. As informações e dados compilados para a confecção deste trabalho foram coletados de diversos tipos de fontes: fontes governamentais, legislações, censos, relatório, estatísticas. Os arquivos consultados correspondem a acervos físicos e online. O trabalho está dividido em três capítulos. As fontes revelaram diferenças e semelhanças entre os processos migratórios para Brasil e Argentina. Durante todo o século XIX, tanto no Brasil quanto na Argentina, a necessidade de povoar territórios e encontrar mão de obra para sustentar o desenvolvimento da agricultura agroexportadora norteou os debates governamentais sobre o fomento da imigração. Além de ser uma solução para a falta de braços nas lavouras e para o povoamento de territórios, nos dois países a imigração era vista como o caminho para o progresso, para a modernização da sociedade e para o branqueamento da população. A partir de 1870 até 1930, período das grandes migrações, Brasil e Argentina foram os países que mais receberam imigrantes na América Latina. O Brasil recebeu mais 4,1 milhões de imigrantes e mais de 6,2 milhões se dirigiram para a Argentina. Nesse período, a política de subsídios, custeando as passagens transatlânticas, hospedagem e colocação nas fazendas de café, foi implantada com sucesso no estado de São Paulo. Na Argentina, houve o predomínio da imigração espontânea. As políticas liberais e os altos salários pagos nas épocas de colheitas do trigo e milho também tiveram êxito em atrair estrangeiros. As fontes revelaram também uma mobilidade geográfica e deslocamentos frequentes e de caráter sazonal dos imigrantes entre São Paulo e Buenos Aires. / The present work aims to analyze, comparatively, the policies for attraction, the activities, the flows and displacement of immigrants in Brazil and Argentina, specifically focusing on the regions of São Paulo and Buenos Aires from 1870 to 1930. We intend to identify, for both countries and regions, the similarities and differences of the implemented policies aimed to attract immigrants; to observe the pattern of the migration flows; and to examine the role of immigrants in the composition of these populations and their role within the economic activities at the rural and urban environments. We also examine the immigrants flow between the ports of Santos and Buenos Aires at the time, analyzing the numbers and place of origin of the immigrants, as well as their motivations, reported by the sources and the historiography. The information and data compiled to produce this study were collected from a variety of research sources: government data, laws, censuses, report statistics, among others. The archives consulted correspond to physical and online collections. This work is divided in three chapters. The sources revealed differences and resemblances between the migratory process to Brazil and Argentina. Throughout the nineteenth century, both in Brazil and Argentina, the governmental debates about the promotion of immigration were guided by the need of populating territories and finding labor to sustain the agro-export agriculture development. In addition to being a solution for the lack of work force on the lands and for the settlement of territories, in both countries the immigration was seen as the pathway to progress, society modernization and population whitening. From 1870 to 1930, considered the period with the higher occurrence of migration, Brazil and Argentina were the countries that received the largest amount of immigrants in Latin America. Brazil received more than 4.1 million of immigrants, while more than 6.2 million went to Argentina. In the period, the subsidy policy, financing the transatlantic travels, accommodation and location in the coffee farms, succeeded in São Paulo state. In Argentina, the spontaneous immigration prevailed. The liberal policies for immigrant attraction and the high weights paid on the wheat and maize harvest seasons also succeeded in attracting foreigners. Sources also revealed a geographic mobility and frequent displacements with a seasonal character by immigrants between São Paulo and Buenos Aires.

O tema da presente dissertação são as políticas imigratórias, voltadas para a mão-de-obra qualificada, dos Estados Unidos e do Canadá na atualidade. Pretendese apresentar e discutir as causas e as conseqüências atreladas ao fenômeno do aumento no nível de exigência, no que tange à qualificação dos migrantes para a concessão de vistos de trabalho, das políticas imigratórias nos países supracitados, ao longo do século XX. Procura-se, também, expor e analisar o interesse oficial do governo do Québec pela mão-de-obra qualificada brasileira, bem como as estratégias adotadas pelo escritório de imigração do governo quebequense aqui instalado, no recrutamento desta mão-de-obra, a partir de 2008. / The theme of this work consists of the current American and Canadian immigration policies for high-skilled workers. One intends to present and discuss the causes and the effects related to the increasing demands for higher skills and educational levels in the granting of work visas to potential immigrants with destination to these countries throughout the 20th century. This work also aims at describing and analyzing the official interest of the Quebec province in Brazils highskilled workforce, as well as the strategies and criteria used by this governments immigration office, established in São Paulo, for the recruiting of Brazilian nationals, since 2008

O tema da presente dissertação são as políticas imigratórias, voltadas para a mão-de-obra qualificada, dos Estados Unidos e do Canadá na atualidade. Pretendese apresentar e discutir as causas e as conseqüências atreladas ao fenômeno do aumento no nível de exigência, no que tange à qualificação dos migrantes para a concessão de vistos de trabalho, das políticas imigratórias nos países supracitados, ao longo do século XX. Procura-se, também, expor e analisar o interesse oficial do governo do Québec pela mão-de-obra qualificada brasileira, bem como as estratégias adotadas pelo escritório de imigração do governo quebequense aqui instalado, no recrutamento desta mão-de-obra, a partir de 2008. / The theme of this work consists of the current American and Canadian immigration policies for high-skilled workers. One intends to present and discuss the causes and the effects related to the increasing demands for higher skills and educational levels in the granting of work visas to potential immigrants with destination to these countries throughout the 20th century. This work also aims at describing and analyzing the official interest of the Quebec province in Brazils highskilled workforce, as well as the strategies and criteria used by this governments immigration office, established in São Paulo, for the recruiting of Brazilian nationals, since 2008

L’histoire du mouvement libertaire italien en exil en France est un sujet faiblement étudié. Il convient de la replacer dans le cadre des migrations politiques de l'antifascisme et du fuoruscitismo. L’historiographie s’est concentrée sur les partis de masses occultant ainsi les formations politiques minoritaires que sont les giellistes et les anarchistes. Les historiens ont surtout privilégié les portraits des « ténors » de l’antifascisme des personnages les plus connus au détriment des « obscurs ». À travers le parcours d’un militant secondaire du mouvement libertaire italien, Pio Turroni, cette étude retrace l’histoire des anarchistes italiens exilés en France et plus particulièrement dans le sud-est de la France entre les deux guerres. Après un bilan historiographique et l’inventaire des sources mobilisées pour mener à bien cette étude, nous avons décidé d’écrire la biographie de l’un d’entre eux pour étudier le parcours du groupe entier. Le changement d’échelle, le passage du portrait de groupe à l’étude d’une trajectoire individuelle permet enfin d’appréhender l’engagement individuel d’un acteur et le réseau de ses relations au sein du mouvement anarchiste en exil comme au sein des autres familles de l’antifascisme italien. Cette étude analyse enfin, la culture politique, les pratiques et les stratégies d’un ensemble de militants à partir d’un des maillons de la chaîne. Nous avons tenté de faire de la biographie de Pio Turroni une entrée permettant de comprendre l’histoire des réseaux anarchistes en exil en France et au-delà contribuer à une meilleure connaissance de l’antifascisme. / The History of Italian libertarian movement in exile to France, is a faintly studied topic . It is important to situate this study in link with an another wide topic: the politics migration of the Anti-fascism in France. Firstly, historiography is focused on the masses parties eclipsing the creation of politics minorities groups like Giustizia e libertà movement and anarchist. Secondly, historians favored particularly portraits of « ténors » to deal with anti-fascisme of the most famous figures to the detriment of « obscurs ». This study traces the history of Italians anarchists who were exiled in France and particularly in South-east France during interwar, through the path of a secondary militant from Italian libertarian movement, Pio Turroni. After a historiographic assessment and an inventory of sources mobilized to complete this study, we decided to write the biography of one amongst themselves to work on the history of the entire group. Change at scale, passage from the group’s portrait to the study of an individual trajectory enables to understand the role of a character played by an individual commitment and galloping network of his relations within anarchist movement in exile like others Italian anti-fascism groups.Finally, this study analyses cultural politics, practices and strategies of a militants group from the link plays by Pio Turroni. From the biography of Pio Turroni, we tried to create a way to understand the History of anarchists network in exile to France, and above all contributes to a better knowledge about antifascism and its insertion into the political and social fabric of receiving countries.

A presente tese trata da lei de migração em vigor no Brasil, a qual adotou um modelo pautado na segurança, atração de migração de profissionais qualificados e praticamente nenhum critério de ingresso e integração do migrante sem qualificação. O modelo é colocado em discussão em um momento em que há uma tendência de crescimento da mobilidade internacional, de modo que se afigura mais do que necessário e urgente abandonar critérios ultrapassados de seleção exclusivamente baseada na nacionalidade, origem e qualificação, substituindo-os por critérios inspirados nos direitos humanos. Esse novo viés à temática migratória exige consenso bilateral e multilateral entre países emissores e receptores de migrantes. Um debate sério sobre a modernização da política migratória brasileira deve enfrentar questões como a igualdade e a ética nas políticas governamentais e maior integração entre os Estados com respeito aos direitos humanos. A tese busca esse debate a partir da análise dos conceitos teóricos sobre cidadania, igualdade, ética e direitos humanos, na tentativa de oferecer contribuições para a definição do modelo atual de política migratória brasileira e verifica, por amostragem, como estes princípios se efetivam no âmbito da União Europeia, do Nafta e do Mercosul. O objetivo é contribuir para a reconstrução da atual política migratória brasileira, a partir dos pilares humanísticos levantados com a construção dos direitos humanos e que resultaram nos princípios da Convenção Internacional da ONU sobre a proteção dos Direitos de todos os Trabalhadores Migrantes e os membros de suas famílias. / This thesis deals with the migration law in force in Brazil, which adopted a standard based on security, aiming to only attract migration of skilled professionals and has no criteria for admission and integration of unskilled migrant. This standard is placed on discussion in a time when there is a trend of increase of international mobility, thus it seems more than necessary and urgent to abandon outdated selection criteria solely based on nationality, origin and qualification criteria, replacing such standard by the integration of human rights. This new twist to the immigration issue requires bilateral and multilateral consensus among countries known as sending as well as receivers of migrants. A serious debate on the modernization of Brazilian immigration policy should address issues such as equality and ethics in government policies and greater integration among the states with respect to human rights. The thesis addresses this debate from the analysis of the theoretical concepts of citizenship, equality, ethics and human rights in an attempt to provide input for the definition of the current Brazilian standard of migration policy, as well as, a brief investigation on how these principles become effective within the European Union, Nafta and Mercosur. The objective is to contribute to the reconstruction of the current Brazilian immigration policy, from the humanistic pillars raised with the construction of human rights, which resulted in the principles of the UN International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their families.

Since the mid-1990s, New Zealand has become a popular study destination for international students. In its neo-liberal knowledge economy policies including an export education policy, international education agenda, and skilled immigration policy, international students are conceptualised as ideal policy subjects: free, rational and self-interested knowledge consumers and globally available human resources. International postgraduates are expected to contribute to New Zealand’s knowledge economy with their knowledge and skills. However, both the statistics and empirical research suggest that these students’ experiences do not always coincide with the policy expectations owing to the involvement of multiple political and non-political factors and actors including international students themselves. Cultural differences in particular, generate extra challenges for these policies to recruit and serve international students and retain international graduates from non-Western cultural backgrounds including those from Mainland China. The gap between the policy intentions and these students’ experiences draws our attention to the roles of multiple regimes of government and individual students as active agencies in overseas study and raises the question of how the two aspects can converge to achieve a ‘good’ overseas study in a complicated culture-crossing policy environment. This thesis takes a post-structuralist approach and uses an adapted Foucauldian conceptual framework that develops the concept of governmentality to explore the experiences of a group of postgraduate Chinese international students studying at two New Zealand universities. It combines documentary research, an online survey and 56 in-depth interviews for data collection with culturally informed discursive, Foucauldian descriptive statistical and Foucauldian narrative analyses of data. The findings show that the convergence between New Zealand’s knowledge economy policies and Chinese students’ experiences of ‘good’ overseas study is not straightforward. This thesis argues that Chinese international students are not made and governed by a singular political power like the New Zealand Government but by multiple regimes of practices through which these students are assembled. Chinese cultural mechanisms such as filial piety, reciprocity and loyalty, play a crucial role in constituting the field of international education and assembling regimes of subjectification. Moreover, these cultural mechanisms are not only embodied in governmental technologies themselves as technical means, but also activated through the coexistence of multiple rationalities, the hybridisation of regimes of subjectification and cross-cultural applications of these technologies. This thesis helps explain both ways in which Chinese students get ‘made into’ subjects who are willing to constitute themselves as international students obliged to come to New Zealand and contribute to the knowledge economy and also the constellations of factors motivating them to move away from on-going, constant and regular engagement with New Zealand as a knowledge economy. With its findings, the thesis attempts not only to provide valuable policy recommendations but also to contribute to sociological understandings of the global governance of border-crossing population movements and comparative studies in the sociology of education.

Les rapports complexes à l’étranger sont particulièrement constitutifs de notre histoire sociale et politique aussi bien à l’époque de la colonisation portugaise qu’après l’indépendance, quand les flux d'immigration vers le Brésil se sont intensifiés. Ce travail de thèse inscrit dans la perspective théorique de l’analyse du discours vise à comprendre quels sens ont été produits pour l’immigrant et l’immigration dans l’état de Sao Paulo à partir de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, puisque ces sens sont inséparables des politiques nationales d’immigration. Nous analysons les processus de signification du sujet immigrant et, dans le même mouvement de sens, du Brésilien, dans des discours institutionnels de/sur l’immigration textualisés dans des articles de dictionnaires de langue portugaise, dans des périodiques français, dans des rapports produits par des organismes publics responsables de l’immigration et dans l’ancienne collection du Mémorial de l’Immigrant/Musée de l’Immigration de l’état de Sao Paulo. Quand nous traitons les discours produits dans ces cadres différents, nous pensons la langue comme une institution qui fonctionne discoursivement en stabilisant des sens, en produisant des régions de signification pour le sujet dans l’espace et dans une formation sociale donnée.Comme les institutions produisent des archives, c’est-à-dire, une mémoire institutionnelle,nous analysons comment les projections imaginaires pour l’immigrant et l’immigration recouvrent des sens déjà-dits sur l’histoire sociale du Brésil. Notre conclusion souligne que le sens d’immigrant ne cesse de glisser et que les mots « immigrant » et« immigration », en tant qu’effet du discours et investis du politique, ne se réfèrent pas à des univers sémantiques logiquement stabilisés, car, dans le processus politique et social de partage des espaces, le sujet peut être désigné/signifié comme étranger en son propre pays. / The complex relations with the foreigner are particularly constitutive of our social andpolitical history, whether during the Portuguese colonization or after gaining independence (1822), when flows of immigrants to Brazil intensified. This thesis work,written from the theoretical perspective of discourse analysis, aims to understand what meanings were produced for the immigrant and immigration in São Paulo state,considering that in the second half of the 19th century these meanings are not detached from the national immigration policies. We have analyzed the significance of the immigrant and, in the same way, the significance of the Brazilian, in the discourses of / on immigration textualized in entries of Portuguese language dictionaries, French newspapers, reports produced by government agencies responsible for immigration, and the former collection of the Immigrant Memorial/Immigration Museum in São Paulostate. In addressing the discourses produced by the highlighted institutions, we think of language as an institution that works discursively, giving a sense of stability, and producing regions of significance for the subject in the space in a determined social formation. Considering that the institutions produce archive, i.e., institutional memory, weanalyze how the imaginary projections for the immigrant and immigration overlie thesense of the Brazilian social history. We conclude by observing that the sense for the immigrant is always shifting, the words "immigrant" and "immigration" as an effect of discourse and invested with the politics do not refer to logically stabilized semantic universes, so the subject, in the political and social process of sharing spaces, may beclassified as a foreigner in his own country. / As complexas relações com o estrangeiro são constitutivas de nossa história social epolítica de modo particular, seja no período da colonização portuguesa, seja após a Independência (1822), quando se intensificaram os fluxos de imigrantes para o Brasil.Este trabalho de tese, inscrito na perspectiva teórica da Análise de Discurso, visa compreender quais sentidos foram produzidos para o imigrante e a imigração no Estadode São Paulo, considerando que na segunda metade do século XIX estes sentidos não se desvinculam das políticas nacionais de imigração. Analisamos os processos designificação do sujeito imigrante e, no mesmo movimento de sentidos, do brasileiro, em discursos da/sobre a imigração textualizados em verbetes de dicionários de língua portuguesa, periódicos franceses, relatórios produzidos por órgãos públicos responsáveis pela imigração e o antigo acervo do Memorial do Imigrante/Museu da Imigração doEstado de São Paulo. Ao tratarmos dos discursos produzidos pelas diversas instituições destacadas, pensamos a língua como instituição que funciona, discursivamente,estabilizando sentidos, produzindo regiões de significância para o sujeito no espaço numaformação social dada. Considerando que as instituições produzem arquivo, ou seja,memória institucional, analisamos como as projeções imaginárias para o imigrante e aimigração recobrem sentidos já-ditos sobre a história social brasileira. Concluímos observando que o sentido de imigrante sempre desliza, as palavras “imigrante” e“imigração” enquanto efeito de discurso e investida do político não referem universos semânticos logicamente estabilizados, podendo o sujeito, no processo político e social departilha dos espaços ser denominado/significado estrangeiro no seu próprio país.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the process of securitization of immigration and multiculturalism within the framework of migration, immigration and integration policies focusing on the case of Germany. Using the migration-security nexus as a primary theoretical foundation, I argue that within the policies and legislations related to immigration, German governments ultimately perceive immigration as a threat at the level of state security as well as Germany's national identity. The first government I have selected for my analysis is the cabinet led by Gerhard Schröder (1998 - 2005) who challenged the romanticized perception of the German nation as a "nation of descent" by saying that "Germany is a country of immigration." Secondly, I focus on the chancellorship of Angela Merkel whose approach toward the Syrian asylum seekers in the context of the current migration crisis (9/2015 - 11/2016) has been called "Wilkommenskutlur" (or "Welcome culture"). Nonetheless, by studying the policies related to immigration as well as governments' discourses, I argue that in both cases, immigration and multiculturalism are indeed linked to security issues. Hence, immigrants are perceived as a threat to Germany's national security and its identity.

Topic of immigration and integration of foreigners to the majority has become more relevant in last few years in Czech and Slovak public. This essay deals with migration and integration on the level of government policies, introduces basic documents and conceptions, which were accepted in those states and the role of ministries and regions. Consequently, situation in both states is compared. In the second part of the essay, non-governmental organization and their role in the field of migration and integration are introduced and chosen aspects of three pairs of NGOs are compared with the effort to put them into the broader context. Key words: foreigner, immigrant, integration, immigration policies, integration policies, migration, non-governmental organization (NGO)

The Master's thesis Comparison of immigrant integration policies in Australia and New Zealand aims to analyse and compare institutional framework and official state policies of Australia and New Zealand towards immigrants with focus on the post 1945 period. Second, it offers a comparison of the objectives of these policies versus the outcomes/practices. Last but not least, it looks at the policies of both Pacific countries in the context of the 'clash of multiculturalism' debates. It is divided into three major parts. The first one serves as an introduction of the topics and consists also of the clarification of the theoretical concepts utilized as well as it offer the explanation of the methodology. Second part includes the case studies of immigration Australia and New Zealand, respectively. The third and last part provides the comparison of both cases and additional findings and notes related to the topic. Keywords Immigration policies, integration policies, assimilation, multiculturalism, indigenous population, Australia, New Zealand