This paper seeks to continue the research started by scholars such as W. Liebeschuetz and P. Bell in order to challenge the traditional argument put forth by Al. Cameron, namely that the circus factions did not have a political role in society. The objective of this study is to examine the political importance of the circus factions from the reign of Anastasius (491-518) to Heraclius (610-641). Furthermore, it explores the political motivations behind the factions’ violent behaviour, the evidence for their involvement in the military, and their role in accession ceremonies. The methodology includes establishing a typology for sixth century riots, an examination of the hippodrome and its role as a medium between people and emperor, tracing the shift in the focus of imperial ideology, and a re-evaluation of the primary sources, with a focus on the literary and epigraphic evidence, to determine if there was a political aspect to the factions. The study concludes that Cameron did undervalue the factions’ political importance and outlines the conditions that were influential in their rise in importance.

This thesis is an historical account based on primary sources in Australia and Britain. It seeks to explain why Anglo-Australian relations underwent radical change during the 1960s and why the ties of empire which had once bound Australia and Britain, became, for all practical purposes, inconsequential by the early 1970s. It is the main contention of the thesis that this radical change can be broadly attributed to what has been described as Britain's turn to Europe. In the 1960s Britain's foreign, defence and trade policies underwent a profound revision as Britain endeavoured to redefine its emerging post-imperial role. British policy-makers gradually turned away from an imperial and global focus and their orientation became increasingly more European. This process of reorientation can be seen principally in the series of policies implemented by successive British governments during the 1960s and early 1970s: the three applications for EEC membership between 1961 and 1972 and the decision taken in 1967-68 to withdraw from east of Suez. Both the EEC applications and the withdrawal from east of Suez brought about an irreconcilable conflict of interest between the two countries. The relationship suffered under the strains imposed by Britain's reassessment of its imperial policy-making. This thesis explains how Australia perceived these challenges, the manner of its response to them and the policies successive Australian governments implemented to minimise their impact. The thesis argues that, anxious not to antagonise Britain for fear it would drift further away, Australian policy-makers avoided too confrontational a stance. They gradually accepted the developing new realities and sought to diversify their country's trading options away from its traditional markets in Britain towards the Asia-Pacific region, while also cautiously redefining its strategic priorities in Asia.

The object of this thesis is to look at the neglected area of the social interaction between Imperial regiments and society in a colony. The chosen colony is New Zealand, looking with particular reference at its original capital of Auckland between 1840 and 1870. This period encompasses the Maori or New Zealand Wars. However, it is not the intention to look at these campaigns, but to examine how the regiments of the Imperial garrison interacted on a day-to-day basis with colonial society in both peace and war. Chapter One establishes the existing literature with regard to the impact of a military presence on colonial societies using the relatively few examples of work done on Canada, South Africa, India and Australia, as well as the limited information available on the impact of garrisons in Britain itself. Indeed, comparisons will also be made with the role of the United States army in westwards frontier expansion, on which some useful studies exist. Chapter Two is also general in nature in the sense that it discusses the reasons for the introduction of Imperial regiments into New Zealand and those factors contributing to their continued presence until 1870, as well as the fluctuations in military strength. Moving to the particular, Chapter Three illustrates how Auckland became the Imperial Military Headquarters in New Zealand and the development of its military infrastructure as the town itself expanded. The two principal establishments became Fort Britomart and the Albert Barracks. It will also be shown that Governor FitzRoy was responsible for the construction of the Albert Barracks, not Sir George Grey as is generally supposed. The intention of Chapter Four is to examine in detail the economic impact of the garrison on Auckland, primarily by means of investigating how the army was supplied. In particular, local newspapers are utilised as a medium through which to trace how civilians tendered for Commissariat contracts. Chapter Five discusses the health of the Imperial regiments posted to New Zealand to establish whether service there implied the same kind of potential death sentence as that in some other colonies. Chapter Six then examines both the discipline of Imperial regiments in Auckland and wider issues of social interaction since, in other colonies, the extent of indiscipline could radically affect civil-military relations. In terms ofthe wider issues, there is examination of such aspects of the relationship between soldiers and civilians as sport, entertainment, local politics, and civic ceremony. Chapter Seven will be then offer conclusions on the inter-relationship and inter-dependence between soldiers and civilians in Auckland.

The thesis concentrates on the interaction between man and his settlement within the context of the Roman city in Asia Minor during the imperial period. The analysis is carried out by examining the role of the nymphaea within the context of urban architecture. First of all, an insight of the Roman city and its armatures is given in order to define the Roman urban context. Within this context, the nymphaea are treated as landmarks for mentally mapping the city and as urban furniture in a properly functioning urban public sphere. Six sample cities are chosen as case studies. These are Pisidian Antioch, Perge, Hierapolis, Laodiceia, Ephesus and Miletus. The nymphaea within these cities are evaluated through selected criteria to answer questions such as: Where were the nymphaea usually located in the Roman city? What were their functions at those locations? Considering their role in the public sphere, how did the nymphaea affect the design of the city, urban life and its customs? As a result, it is seen that the location of the nymphaea within the city was not always dependent on the location of water sources. They were often located along the armature to be visible and memorable. Therefore, as an urban element the nymphaea influenced public activity by contributing to civic consciosnes and the making of livable and &amp / #65533 / legible&amp / #65533 / cities.

In this thesis the Russian Federation is investigated to understand if it still tries to continue its classic Soviet style of security perception in the post-Cold War era and its views concerning national security as reflected in Russia&#039 / s military doctrines. It is so obvious that the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emrgence of Russia as an independent entity in the post-cold war era have compelled the Russian Federation to redefine its national interest. In this context it experienced a crisis of describing its identity and national interests in changing security environment. Although in the early years of Yeltsin it preferred close cooperation with the West then abandoned this approach. It was implied that some states and coalitions were still main threats to the security of the Russian Federation in the military doctrine and the near-abroad policy re-gained importance. In addition with the inauguration of Putin as the Russian President the reaction of the Russian Federation regarding both internal and external security issues displayed the growing significance of traditional interests and old-style security issues. Thus in this thesis it is asserted that the Russian Federation still tries to sustain its well-known traditional interests the classic Soviet style of security perception in the post-Cold War period. Therefore this study tries to explain this argument through examining the effects of its imperial past, transformation years and its situation in the new security environment of post-Cold War era under Yeltsin and Putin.

La elección de este tema de tesis doctoral, las relaciones comerciales entre Hispania y Egipto en época altoimperial, tiene su origen en los trabajos de dos autores. En primer lugar la publicación de los sellos béticos en el Mediterráneo oriental que realizó LYDING WILL en el II Congreso del Aceite y por otro lado la afirmación de ROSTOVTZEFF de que Italia era el mercado de Egipto en época republicana. Y dos preguntas ¿En qué circunstancias llegaban estos productos? ¿Llegaban de forma regular? A finales de época tardorrepublicana se producen una serie de hechos políticos y sociales que producen un cambio en la organización económica y cuyas modificaciones se mantienen hasta época imperial.He estudiado estos contactos comerciales desde tres niveles muy diferentes pero complementarios y que constituyen una visión global.1. Nivel estatal. A través de los funcionarios que desempeñaron parte de su carrera en Egipto en puestos con una función económica y que en algunas ocasiones aparecen vinculados con comerciantes. 2. Nivel intermedio. Los comerciantes que mantenían contactos con el Mediterráneo oriental y en concreto con Egipto y a través de los cuales podemos identificar como se desarrollaban estos contactos, bien de forma indirecta a través de un puerto como Puteoli o bien de forma directa.3. Nivel arqueológico. La evidencia arqueológica es escasa pero reveladora respecto a los productos que llegaban hasta Egipto y hasta que lugares lo hacían. En un primer momento, en el siglo III a. C., cuando Roma y Egipto entran en contacto la zona con la que este ultimo parece tener mas contacto, el sur de la Península itálica, ya que ambas estaban en contacto anteriormente. Esto se refleja en la presencia de cerámica de Gnathia en Egipto y quizás, en el hecho de que los primeros itálicos documentados en Egipto proceden de la zona de Tarento. Una segunda fase tendría Delos como centro redistribuidor, en la que los comerciantes aparecen instalados en Delos y en Alejandría. Estamos a principios del siglo II a. C. La tercera fase tendría como característica principal la sustitución de Delos por Puteoli. Los sellos brindisinos que llegan a Egipto no los hallamos en Delos. Las fuentes literarias de este momento, nos hablan de una serie de personajes como Vestorius, Rabirio Postumo... caracterizados no por su procedencia social, si no por que todos tienen intereses en Egipto y actúan desde Puteoli. Un grupo de personajes que utilizan su posición política para llevar a cabo diversas actividades económicasEsta fase enlaza directamente con la época augustea y altoimperial ya que en un primer momento lo que caracteriza las actividades comerciales entre Egipto y las provincias occidentales e que están desempeñadas por comerciantes que actúan privadamente, sin poder demostrar la participación del Estado pese a que en algunos casos estos comerciantes desempeñan cargos en la administración publica, como P. Annius Plocamus. De hecho y pese a esta división en diferentes etapas, el verdadero cambio económico se produce en el siglo I a. C. y no con la creación del Imperio. A lo largo del siglo I a. C. se afianzan de comerciantes que actúan de forma independiente. La existencia de estos dos grupos se mantiene durante toda la época imperial y se hace más compleja a medida que la burocracia romana se hace más compleja. ROSTOVTZEFF ya dijo, hablando de la agricultura en Egipto que la división entre Reino tolemaico y Egipto romano era una división artificial y creo haber demostrado que también lo es en el campo del comercio, el verdadero cambio ya se había producido con anterioridad a la transformación política. / The aim of my PhD research project, "Trade relations between Hispania and eastern provinces", was to study a period of Roman History, first century BC to second century AD, in which trade relations in the Mediterranean change from private to a complex mixture of public and private interests. The other aim of the research was to study the economic relation between East and West Mediterranean inside the Roman World. To study both, I chose the presence of western products in Egypt. There is an important economic change in the Mediterranean area along the late republic period. It is during the first century B. C. that a group of independent traders with political connections get stronger. Along with the creation of this group, a series of events like the destruction of Delos an a change in the agricultural economy of Italy increase the importance of this change. The creation of the Roman Empire with a August is mainly a political creation but from the economic point of view the basis were already created.The trade dynamic created during the first century B. C. stems from the activities of two closely related groups two groups. One is the great trade families that can be found in harbours of the Eastern Mediterranean, such as Delos. The other group is the wealthy Romans who become involved with trade life once Italic Peninsula is conquered. At the end of Republic and the beginning of Imperial Era, the great trade families and the Roman elite were drawn together by the profits and demanded of empire, the needs of the traders for political support and protection and the desire of the politicians for money, being difficult to draw a line between public and private his marks, a new era in trade relations.

Doctor of Philosophy / The relationship between the Angkorian Empire and its capital is important for understanding how this state was sustained. The empire’s political economy is studied by analysing data from Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian period inscriptions in aggregated form, in contrast to previous studies which relied mainly on detailed reading of the texts. The study is necessarily broad to overcome the constraints of having relatively few inscriptions which relate to a selected range of topics, and are partial in viewpoint. The success of the pre-modern Khmer state depended on: its long-established communication and trade links; mutual support of rulers and regional elites; decentralised administration through regional centres; its ability to produce or acquire a surplus of resources; and a network of temples as an ideological vehicle for state integration. The claim that there was a centrally controlled command economy or significant redistribution of resources, as for archaic, moneyless societies is difficult to justify. The mode of control varied between the core area and peripheral areas. Even though Angkor did not have money, it used a unit of account. Despite being an inland agrarian polity, the Khmer actively pursued foreign trade. There are indications of a structure, perhaps hierarchical, of linked deities and religious foundations helping to disseminate the state’s ideology. The establishment of these foundations was encouraged by gifts and privileges granted to elite supporters of the rulers. Contrary to some views, Angkor was not excessively rigid or unusually hierarchical and autocratic when compared with contemporary analogous states. Its political economy is marked by three simultaneous cycles indicative of changing power relationships: cycles of royal inscriptions; of non-royal inscriptions; and fluctuating control over peripheral territories. Its processes and strategies were sufficiently flexible for it to endure as an empire for approximately six centuries, despite internal and external disturbances.

Doctor of Philosophy / The relationship between the Angkorian Empire and its capital is important for understanding how this state was sustained. The empire’s political economy is studied by analysing data from Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian period inscriptions in aggregated form, in contrast to previous studies which relied mainly on detailed reading of the texts. The study is necessarily broad to overcome the constraints of having relatively few inscriptions which relate to a selected range of topics, and are partial in viewpoint. The success of the pre-modern Khmer state depended on: its long-established communication and trade links; mutual support of rulers and regional elites; decentralised administration through regional centres; its ability to produce or acquire a surplus of resources; and a network of temples as an ideological vehicle for state integration. The claim that there was a centrally controlled command economy or significant redistribution of resources, as for archaic, moneyless societies is difficult to justify. The mode of control varied between the core area and peripheral areas. Even though Angkor did not have money, it used a unit of account. Despite being an inland agrarian polity, the Khmer actively pursued foreign trade. There are indications of a structure, perhaps hierarchical, of linked deities and religious foundations helping to disseminate the state’s ideology. The establishment of these foundations was encouraged by gifts and privileges granted to elite supporters of the rulers. Contrary to some views, Angkor was not excessively rigid or unusually hierarchical and autocratic when compared with contemporary analogous states. Its political economy is marked by three simultaneous cycles indicative of changing power relationships: cycles of royal inscriptions; of non-royal inscriptions; and fluctuating control over peripheral territories. Its processes and strategies were sufficiently flexible for it to endure as an empire for approximately six centuries, despite internal and external disturbances.

It is the aim of this thesis to shed light on and gain a more nuanced understanding of the negotiation of the political and constitutional order at the German Imperial Diet and the Polish-Lithuanian Sejm in the crisis-ridden seventeenth century. Both assemblies had to reach collectively-binding decisions on questions of institutional and procedural development in order to keep the constitutional order intact and functional and to process the challenges and changes occurring in the late sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries. The question of this thesis is how the scope for necessary institutional and procedural adjustments was enabled or constrained by political languages and rhetoric which key actors used in the deliberations at the two central estate assemblies. Why do we have an institutional standstill and comparative decline in Poland-Lithuania until the reform period in the eighteenth century, and a stabilization and gradual institutional adjustment until the 1720s in the Holy Roman Empire? This question is answered by analyzing the communication about the scope of politics in its concrete historical context and institutional setting. Through the analysis the thesis comes to a new interpretation of the role and impact of orality and writing in both assemblies. Establishing socially relevant meaning depended on the means of communication and on the relationship between different media in the process of political decision-making and how they formed communication, in this case oral and written communication. The central claim of the thesis is that political culture and material culture were intricately linked in both imperial systems as the available media in the political process shaped the sayable, and the sayable shaped the doable.

Propomos uma leitura da Corte Imperial, obra portuguesa anônima de polêmica religiosa, escrita no século XV. Os judeus ali são apresentados como feios, demasiadamente falantes, sendo desqualificados e reduzidos ao silêncio. A obra coincide com a promulgação de leis anti-semitas em Portugal e com o fim da convivência inter-religiosa na Península Ibérica. A Corte Imperial segue as regras da retórica clássica para convencer seus leitores das verdades cristãs, com argumentos baseados na razão, nas Santas Escrituras, em várias obras teológicas e nas características morais e físicas dos participantes no debate, pois conforme a estética moral, o belo, o bem e a verdade são atributos divinos. / Propose a reading of the Corte Imperial, anonymous portuguese work’s religious controversy, writing in the 15th century. The jews in its, are introducing as ugly, too much talkatives, being disqualifies and reducing to silence.The book coincide with the promulgate of anti-Jews laws in Portugal and with the end of the familiarity inter-religious in the Iberian Peninsula. The Corte Imperial follow the retorical classic rules for convince its reader of the christian trues, with arguments based in the reason, Holly Scriptures, several theologics works, moral and physics characteristics of debate’s participants, as, according to moral esthetic, the beautiful, well and true were divinal attributes.