The question “How does Revelation interact with the Roman Empire?” weaves its way through the past 125 years of scholarly research on the Apocalypse. Yet, flawed methodologies, false assumptions, and limited trajectories have led to poor conclusions that posture Revelation as nothing more than a vitriolic attack on the Roman Empire that intends to incite, reveal, and/or remind Christians of imperial evil. This thesis challenges this academic narrative of the Apocalypse through the development and implementation of the Alter-Imperial paradigm. Repositioning the theoretical background of the imperial inquiry around Empire Studies, the Alter-Imperial paradigm applies insights from Postcolonial criticism and “examinations of dominance” to engage the complexities of the relationship between the sovereign(s) and subject(s) of a society—a dynamic far more intricate than either rebellion or acquiescence. From this disposition, various forms of Roman propaganda (from Augustus to Domitian) are explored to surface the Sovereign Narrative saturating the public transcript and immersing the subjects in key messages of absolute dominance, divine favor, and imperial benevolence. The date of Revelation’s composition, then, is established to isolate the socio-historical analysis to the Flavian dynasty, paying particular attention to the viewpoint of the oppressed and the question of “persecution.” The Flavian dynasty’s essential development of an anti-Jewish environment (intensified in Domitian’s reign) offers not only a contentious context for Christian communities—still viewed as indistinguishable from Jewish communities by Roman elite—but also indelible images of imperial propaganda through which subject texts, like Revelation, can interact with the empire. From this vantage point, the Alter-Imperial paradigm offers fresh interpretative possibilities for familiar (and even forgotten) texts, such as Revelation 20:7-10. This enigmatic passage depicts the release of Satan from a 1,000 year imprisonment at a climactic moment in the Apocalypse, and yet, this text is widely neglected in Revelation scholarship. Parallels to Roman triumphal processions (a central element in Flavian propaganda), however, demonstrate that Revelation 20:7- 10 depicts Satan as the bound enemy leader marching in God’s triumphal procession. Nevertheless, the Alter-Imperial paradigm does not stagnate at intriguing textual parallels. Indeed, this interpretation of Revelation 20:7-10 postures the interpreter to poignantly address the question: “How does Revelation interact [not merely subvert] the empire?” Specifically, the use of Roman imagery in the subject text does not necessitate an “anti-imperial” intent, but may simply be the grammar with which the subject text constructs their Alter-Empire. In fact, the Alter-Imperial paradigm suggests that to reduce Revelation to an anti-Roman document intent on the empire’s destruction is to over-exaggerate Rome’s significance in the subject text and, then, to miss its true target—the construction of the Alter-Empire through the destruction of the true enemy, Satan.

Thesis advisor: Pheme Perkins / Psalm 110:1 was not a Second Temple messianic proof-text. Yet, it became the early Christian text par excellence for articulating exaltation Christology: Jesus was exalted to God’s right hand (Acts 2:33, 34-35; 5:31; 7:55-56; Rom 8:34; Col 3:1; Eph 1:20; 1 Pet 3:22; Heb 1:3, 13; 8:1; 10:12; 12:2) and κύριος of the cosmos (Phil 2:9-11). Therefore, this unprecedented and singular use of Ps 110:1 by early Christians requires an explanation. This dissertation argues that the unparalleled Christian use of Ps 110:1 is indebted to a Greco-Roman royal ideological concept: rulers as sharers of divine/sacred space, which consisted of three elements: temple sharing, throne sharing, and joint temples of imperials and gods. Greek cities and Roman period provinces made autocrats sharers of sacred space to show appreciation for concrete royal benefactions and to acknowledge the piety of monarchs and divine approval of their regimes. Early Christians adopted two of these practices—temple sharing and throne sharing—for similar purposes, creating a unique variant of the Greco-Roman royal practice and using scripture to justify it (Ps 110:1). Consequently, early Christian use of Ps 110:1, exaltation Christology, and Jesus’s Lordship are indebted to royal messianism. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Theology.

Nosso objeto de estudo é o processo de reorganização do mercado de trabalho, durante as últimas décadas da escravidão, em São Paulo e no Pará. Através da análise dos relatórios dos presidentes de província e de artigos publicados em jornais, principalmente, procuramos interpretar a formulação de representações acerca do trabalhador imigrante. Argumentamos que estas imagens não dizem respeito apenas a seus referentes imediatos, ou seja, os trabalhadores estrangeiros, que os grupos dominantes desejavam como substitutos para os escravos, mas também aos próprios trabalhadores aqui existentes, cativos ou não. Através de um jogo de imagens, invertendo qualidades e defeitos que atribuíam à força de trabalho existente no país, jornalistas e administradores de província não estavam aludindo a um trabalhador real, mas construindo representações que guardavam relações com as dificuldades que os proprietários rurais enfrentavam para conseguir uma força de trabalho numerosa, disciplina e dependente. Em termos historiográficos, corroboramos uma tendência verificada nas produções mais recentes, que concebem a existência de um pacto político entre as elites dirigentes do Governo Imperial e as elites regionais, e não uma subordinação destas por aquelas. A comparação entre semelhanças e especificidades das duas províncias pesquisadas evidenciou que os grupos envolvidos na produção agro-exportadora procuravam conseguir a adesão de setores mais amplos ao seu projeto político. Ao investirem na idéia da properidade futura da nação, condicionando-a ao desenvolvimento da agricultura de exportação, tentavam evitar que propostas alternativas de desenvolvimento fossem gestadas, prejudicando seus interesses. / Our object of study is the process of rearrangement of the work market, during the last decades of the slavery, in São Paulo and Pará provinces. Through the analysis of two kinds of sources, like Presidents of Provinces’ reports to the assembly and several articles published in local periodicals – in São Paulo and Pará – we studied the construction of representations concerning immigrant worker. We argue that these images were not only related to the foreign workers, which were wanted by dominant groups of society as substitute for the slave-workers. In according to our analysis, those representations were also related to Brazilians workers, captives or not. Through a game of images, inverting qualities and defects that they attributed to the work force existed in the country, journalists and administrators of provinces made up the image of an ideal worker that kept relations with the difficulties that the agricultural proprietors faced to obtain a numerous force of work, disciplined and dependent. In History terms we corroborate a trend verified in the recent productions which conceive the existence of a politician pact between the elite controllers of the Imperial Government and the local elites, and not a subordination of these for those. The comparison between similarities and specificities of the two provinces evidenced that the groups involved in the agro-exporter production looked for to obtain the adhesion of great sectors to its politics projects. Those groups invested in the idea of the prosper future of the nation, conditioning that idea to the development to the exportation of agriculture products to prevent that other alternatives proposals to the development of the country gained force, harming its interests.

Este trabalho analisa os debates parlamentares sobre a legislação da atividade de imprensa e a publicação dos trabalhos da Câmara dos Deputados durante o período de 1820 a 1840. São aspectos que se relacionam intimamente com a construção de um Estado monárquico-constitucional-representativo, por serem a liberdade de expressão, e consequentemente a de imprensa, assim como a publicidade dos atos governamentais, dois dos pilares deste sistema de governo. O objetivo é compreender de que maneira os deputados exploravam politicamente estes preceitos liberais e a forma por eles encontrada para corporificá-los nas instituições do império brasileiro. / This study analyses the parliamentary debates on press legislation and the publicity of the works of the Chamber of Deputies concerning the period between 1820 and 1840. These are issues closely related to the construction of a monarchic, constitutional and representative State, in the sense that freedom of expression - and therefore press freedom - are, together with the publicity of government acts, two of the pillars that sustain this system of government. The objective is to understand in what ways the legislators made these liberal concepts politically useful, as well as how were these concepts incorporated into the institutions of the Brazilian Empire.

Submitted by PPG Hist?ria (historia-pg@pucrs.br) on 2018-04-09T11:44:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 SANTOS, M. L. ?TEIS A SI MESMOS E A P?TRIA-AS CLASSES DE MENORES APRENDIZES DO ARSENAL DE GUERRA .pdf: 1382118 bytes, checksum: a9bc7d50a2fb85d3c04b3d6b36bfcc98 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Caroline Xavier (caroline.xavier@pucrs.br) on 2018-04-23T16:23:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 SANTOS, M. L. ?TEIS A SI MESMOS E A P?TRIA-AS CLASSES DE MENORES APRENDIZES DO ARSENAL DE GUERRA .pdf: 1382118 bytes, checksum: a9bc7d50a2fb85d3c04b3d6b36bfcc98 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-23T16:28:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SANTOS, M. L. ?TEIS A SI MESMOS E A P?TRIA-AS CLASSES DE MENORES APRENDIZES DO ARSENAL DE GUERRA .pdf: 1382118 bytes, checksum: a9bc7d50a2fb85d3c04b3d6b36bfcc98 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-16 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / The present paper is dedicated to the study of the existing political relations and interactions among work, education and welfarism at the Oficinas do Arsenal de Guerra de Porto Alegre (Porto Alegre War Arsenal Workshops) through the class of Menores Aprendizes (Underage Apprentices) between the years of 1850 and 1870. The existence of the Underage Apprentices class was a common-practice by the Imperial Army in several provinces in Brazil in the century XIX, and in this way, we try to understand how, in the case of the Rio Grande do Sul province, the admission and teaching of these destitute, orphans, exposed and indigenous within the Arsenal Workshops worked. Therefore, the main analysis involves the existence of a work and education structure organized by the Imperial State for the development of specialized and free work force, the social relations of the time in the province of S?o Pedro do Rio Grande do Sul and the mechanisms of survival of the poor population before the difficulties of keeping education as childhood subsistence at the time. Thus, we will show the existence of a social and political dynamics that dialogues in three biases analyzed when referring to the functioning of the institution, such as the welfarism, social control and professional formation. In this sense, we will also provide how the underage apprentices, inserted in this military context, made use of strategies and regulations imposed to them, by a superior state power, in order to also ascend within the context of the poor society in the XIX century in Porto Alegre. / O presente trabalho dedica-se ao estudo das rela??es e intera??es pol?ticas e sociais existentes entre trabalho, educa??o e assistencialismo nas Oficinas do Arsenal de Guerra de Porto Alegre atrav?s das classes de Menores Aprendizes entre os anos de 1850 e 1870. A exist?ncia de classes de Menores Aprendizes foi uma pr?tica do Ex?rcito Imperial em diversas prov?ncias do Brasil no s?culo XIX; e desta maneira, procuramos compreender como se dava, no caso da prov?ncia do Rio Grande do Sul, a admiss?o e o aprendizado destes menores desvalidos, ?rf?os, expostos e ind?genas dentro das oficinas do Arsenal. Logo, a principal an?lise envolve a exist?ncia de uma estrutura de trabalho e educa??o organizada pelo Estado Imperial para o desenvolvimento de m?o de obra especializada e livre, as rela??es sociais da ?poca na prov?ncia de S?o Pedro do Rio Grande do Sul e os mecanismos de sobreviv?ncia da popula??o pobre frente ?s dificuldades de manter a educa??o como subsist?ncia infantil no per?odo. Desta forma mostramos a exist?ncia de uma din?mica social e pol?tica que dialoga com tr?s vieses analisados ao nos referirmos ao funcionamento da institui??o, sendo eles o vi?s do assistencialismo, do controle social e da forma??o profissional. Neste sentido, mostramos tamb?m como os menores aprendizes, inseridos dentro deste contexto militar, utilizavam de estrat?gias e normativas impostas a eles, por um poder estatal superior, para tamb?m ascender dentro do contexto da sociedade pobre da Porto Alegre do s?culo XIX.

Lower Canada occupied a strategic position in Britain's policies for the defence, trade and settlement of British North America. The smooth development of these three interests was threatened by the autonomist ambitions of the colony's French-speaking (Canadien) leaders. Between 1820 and 1841 British policy had to cope with the collapse of traditional canadien elites as reliable supporters of imperial interests, the persistent hostility of the new canadien leadership towards commerce and immigration, and the increased restlessness of the growing minority of English speaking colonists. During the 1820s, the Governor alienated the bureaucracy, the traditional social leaders of French Canada, and the elected Assembly by his encouragement of diverse efforts to anglicize the colony's administration, institutions and civil law. The political divisions of the British colonists encouraged the Canadiens to seek greater autonomy for tie colony, tb and British policy after 1828 favoured concession e the Canadiens as the best way to smooth out political obstacles to social and economic change. But increased immigration alarmed the Canadiens, created a larger and more complex British community in the colony, and made the imperial government more anxious to conciliate the British than the French colonists after a few of the latter revolted in 1837-38. Economic and demographic pressures were important but the debate over political legitimacy was a major element too. Belief in prescriptive legitimacy faded during the 1820s; the growth of liberal attitudes in the British part of the population brought impatience towards the colony's antiquated civil law and hastened the creation of suitable conditions for the growth of a modern commercial state. Britain imposed a new constitution giving greater powers to the fast-growing colony of Upper Canada and to the British merchants and settlers of Lower Canada.

O presente estudo situa-se no âmbito da História da Educação e tem como objetivo central demonstrar como se desenvolveu o ensino secundário na cidade do Rio Grande/RS a partir da segunda metade do século XIX, de forma a abarcar outras demandas para além da formação para o ingresso no ensino superior. Desse modo, utilizamos como corpus documental os anúncios dos colégios e aulas particulares publicados na imprensa local, sobretudo, no jornal Diario do Rio Grande de 1848 a 1890, juntamente com Relatórios, Ofícios, Mapas, Estatutos, Catálogos, Anuários e Almanaques da Província, entre outros documentos. O intuito desta tese é comprovar que o ensino secundário rio-grandino estabeleceu um novo paradigma para a educação formal, consolidando-se como uma alternativa viável para a formação intelectual de outros grupos sociais que não almejavam o ingresso no ensino superior. O ensino secundário nesta cidade diferenciava-se justamente por redimensionar a sua finalidade neste período, possibilitando que outros públicos ascendessem socialmente por meio da instrução secundária Para corroborar com a presente tese analisamos a significativa oferta de instituições de ensino secundário presentes na cidade, ao longo do período analisado, sinalizando a existência de uma demanda local oriunda de determinados grupos sociais que tinham como objetivo manter certa situação de classe que seria responsável por consolidar e sustentar os interesses das gerações anteriores e, que também estavam voltados à ascensão social através da educação formal. Identificamos que esta formação intelectual, proporcionada pelo ensino secundário, não estava somente voltada ao ingresso no ensino superior, mas, sobretudo, a uma formação cultural e profissional que o ensino primário não contemplava e que precisava ser amparada através de novas ofertas de ensino que o setor público não conseguiu abarcar, e nem mesmo, rivalizar. Desse modo, conseguimos identificar, através de diferentes indícios, que a instrução secundária, de caráter laico e particular que se desenvolveu ao longo do período imperial, consolidou-se em função de diferentes necessidades da sociedade rio-grandina que não incluía apenas a preparação para os exames de preparatórios, mas também, a formação para atuar no comércio, na política e na docência. / The present study lies within the History of Education scope and aims to show how secondary education was developed in the city of Rio Grande / Rio Grande do Sul State from the second half of the nineteenth century so as to cover other demands beyond training towards higher education entrance. For that purpose, school and private class announcements published by the local press, especially in the Diario do Rio Grande newspaper from 1848 to 1890, together with Provincial Reports, Official letters, Maps, Statutes, Catalogs, Yearbooks and Almanacs, among others, were consulted. This thesis aims to prove that the Rio Grande high school system established a new paradigm for formal education, consolidating itself as a viable alternative for the intellectual formation of other social groups that did not intend to follow higher education studies. Secondary education in this city was differentiated precisely by reshaping its purpose in this period, allowing public at large to ascend socially through high school In order to support this thesis, a significant supply of secondary education institutions in the city during the aforementioned period was analyzed, signaling the existence of a local demand by some groups that sought to maintain their social status, which served the purpose of consolidating and maintaining the interests of previous generations and which were also aimed at social ascent through formal education. This identified intellectual formation provided by secondary education was not only directed towards entering higher education, but provided, above all, cultural and professional formation that primary education did not contemplate and needed to be supported by new educational offers that the public system could not and did not rival. In this way, and through different indicators, secondary education of secular and particular character that was consolidated during the imperial period due to different needs of the Rio Grande society, including not only preparation for preparatory exams but also training in trade, politics and teaching, was identified.

O trabalho tem como tema central a Companhia de Aprendizes-Marinheiro de Santa Catarina, instituição instalada no ano de 1858 nas cidades de Desterro e Laguna. A abordagem sobre a Companhia tem como pretensão compreender as estruturas de poder que estiveram envolvidas com a instituição, em uma conjuntura de rearranjos do Estado Monárquico após o Período Regencial. Essa investigação sobre as estruturas de poder relacionada à promoção da Companhia de Aprendizes-Marinheiro revela agendas políticas desdobradas desde o processo de Independência do Brasil voltadas, em um primeiro momento, para a criação de forças de repressão através dos alistamentos militares, seguidos, de uma profissionalização dos trabalhadores marítimos como forma de estabelecer um contingente militar condizente com as necessidades do Estado imperial. Nesse sentido, a inserção da Companhia de Aprendizes- Marinheiro, reacende debates historiográficos, nos quais, o federalismo, ou os poderes descentralizadores do Império, tem parte importante no funcionamento dessa instituição militar. / The main theme of this research is the Companhia de Aprendizes-Marinheiros de Santa Catarina (Company of Marines Apprentices of Santa Catarina), an institution founded in the year of 1858 in the cities of Desterro and Laguna. The approach regarding the Companhia is to understand the structures of power that were involved with the institution, in a conjuncture of rearrangements of the Monarchical State after the regency period. This investigation on the power structures related to the promotion of the Companhia de Aprendizes-Marinheiros reveals political agendas deployed since the process of Independence of Brazil. Agendas that initially aimed at creating forces of repression through military enlistment, followed by a professionalization of maritime workers, as a way of establishing a military contingent consistent with the needs of the Imperial State. In this sense, the insertion of the Companhia de Aprendizes-Marinheiros revives some historiographic debates, in which federalism, or the decentralizing powers of the Empire, plays an important part in the functioning of this military institution.

Historians have long been drawn to the story of Barbados and the tales of sugar, slavery, empire, and wealth that defined the colonial history of this small West Indian island lying on the southeastern margins of the Caribbean Sea. First settled by the English in 1627, it quickly developed into ‘one of the richest Spotes of ground in the wordell’ after the introduction of sugar cane agriculture in the early 1640s and, by 1660, had become one of the most valuable and influential colonial possessions in the western hemisphere. Barbados was famous in its own time, especially after Richard Ligon, a three year resident on the island from 1647 to 1650, wrote his popular A True and Exact History of the Iland of Barbados in 1657. In this work, he vividly described a range of topics that included the island’s exotic flora and fauna, the methods used to convert cane into sugar, the trials many experienced in adjusting to life in the tropics, and the arrival of enslaved Africans for a public eager to receive such information on the distant domains of a growing empire. Contemporary scholars followed Ligon with other works in which Barbados figured prominently, such as John Oldmixon’s The British Empire in America (1708) and two important natural histories by Hans Sloane (1708) and Griffith Hughes (1750). It also served as the setting for many popular works, including a brief poem by the well-known English bard Richard Flecknoe and Richard Steele’s famous newspaper serial ‘Inkle and Yariko. Academic interest in the island’s past has also remained high since the eighteenth-century, with historians consistently drawn to Barbados’ integral role in the development of sugarcane agriculture based on enslaved African labour and the influence this had on England’s imperial mission. As B.W. Higman explains: the colonial history of the Caribbean is commonly characterized by the intimate relationship of sugar and slavery…and the defining moment of that relationship is located in the sugar revolution, beginning in Barbados in the middle of the seventeenth century. It is the sugar revolution above all which has come to represent the vital watershed, starkly separating the history of the islands from that of the mainland, not merely in terms of agricultural economy, but in almost every area of life, from demography, to social structure, wealth, settlement patterns, culture, and politics. Higman’s quotation highlights the important work on the island’s past that has already been completed by modern historians, especially in regard to sugar, slavery, and their combined effects upon the economic and political relationships that dominated the planters’ lives. Richard Dunn, for example, notes that ‘we have detailed political and institutional histories of the several Caribbean colonies in the seventeenth centuries and excellent studies of Stuart colonial policy in the West Indies.’ Books such as those written by Dunn, Vincent Harlow, Gary Puckrein, Larry Gragg, Noel Deerr, Richard Pares, Carl and Roberta Bridenbaugh, Richard Sheridan, Russell Menard, and Hilary Beckles have successfully highlighted the importance of Barbados’ place within the sugar-producing Caribbean and have helped to contribute to the further understanding of the relationship between the development of the plantation complex, the growing power of the West Indian planter, and the forced enslavement of a large African population. Combined, these authors adequately cover most of the important events in Barbadian history, ranging from the early settlement period and the emergence of sugar to the emancipation of the enslaved in 1834. Nevertheless, gaps in the historiography still exist, leaving several significant periods of the island’s history under-analyzed and misunderstood. One such lacuna exists for the twenty-year period between 1680 and 1700, a vital two decades that represented great tragedy, violence, and change throughout the English empire from an ugly combination of rebellion, revolution, and war. These events profoundly influenced and altered the lives of the 66,000 people living on Barbados. Yet, many historians gloss over this period in favor of either the island’s early settlement period or later emancipation era. They often avoid the 1680s and 1690s by hastily contending that the two decades were a period of relative decline defined by a combination of low prices, limited supply, infertile soil, war, and disease. Historians often attempt to justify these assertions by pointing to two contemporary documents that, when read in tandem, appear to paint a dismal picture of island conditions during this era. The first of these is the 1680 census, a compilation of demographic statistics collected by each parish vestry at the request of Governor Sir Jonathon Atkins in 1679. Under intense suspicion from the Lords of Trade and Plantations for not following the proper protocol concerning colonial laws and for refusing to send requested information back to England, Atkins demanded the name, location, acreage, and labor force of every landowner living on the island. He also collected specific accounts of the militia, island fortifications, and emigration, while receiving tallies of the Anglican baptisms, deaths, and marriages that occurred in each parish. Many historians use these demographic statistics to draw important conclusions about Barbados, including the continuing consolidation of the island’s limited acreage by the elite, the wealthy’s dominance of politics and the military, the lopsided burial to baptism rate, the high number of white emigrants, and the near-complete replacement of indentured servants by enslaved Africans.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A tese propõe uma linha de interpretação acerca da história do conceito de povo no debate político luso-brasileiro entre a segunda metade do século XVIII e últimas décadas do século XIX, sob uma perspectiva teórica que busca compreender o processo de historicização das linguagens e conceitos políticos como marca do mundo moderno. Procuramos traçar o processo de abalo e desmantelamento dos significados e usos tradicionais e a incorporação crescente da temporalidade histórica na semântica conceitual, fenômeno ocorrido em meio aos conflitos e debates políticos durante a formação, consolidação e crise do estado imperial brasileiro. Acreditamos que nestes anos houve uma acentuada historicizaçao do conceito de povo, processo que teve como marca seu crescente contingenciamento, isto é, sua maior fundamentação em diagnósticos da situação histórica presente, e também sua maior inserção em visões processuais e futuristas da história.