A pesquisa que ora se apresenta ocupou-se do debate sobre o imperialismo como modo de ser do capitalismo contemporâneo e sua relação com o espaço urbano olhado a partir da indústria do amianto e, consequentemente, perpassando por temas como trabalho, saúde dos trabalhadores expostos ao amianto e movimentos sociais que defendem o banimento deste mineral. A forma genérica/universal do imperialismo expressa-se concretamente sob formas diversas nos diferentes lugares/partes do mundo. Cada parte anuncia o mundo no lugar e compõe o mosaico de lugares que forma a totalidade social imperialista. Portanto, do ponto de vista do método de interpretação, adota-se a dialética universal-particular refletida no modo pelo qual o imperialismo efetivamente se realiza. Este procedimento analítico coloca o desafio de fazer as reflexões necessárias relacionando teorias e fatos, de modo a identificar e compreender como os processos de ordem geral realizam-se em âmbito particular. E, em contrapartida as teorias e os conceitos, enquanto instrumentos de análise, permitiram que esse particular elucidado iluminasse a generalidade dos processos estudados relativos a exploração do amianto em Minaçu-Goiás. O recorte empírico da pesquisa é a indústria do amianto no que ela tem de mais universal e a cidade de Minaçu em Goiás no que ela tem de particular. A primeira relação entre estes dois fenômenos é justamente o fato de a cidade de Minaçu-GO abrigar a terceira maior mina de amianto do mundo e única da América Latina e do Brasil em atividade. Portanto, a indústria do amianto no Brasil tem sua base nesta pequena cidade do interior do Estado de Goiás à que pouca importância é dada nos mapas. No entanto, a cidade de Minaçu está no centro dos debates sobre os malefícios causados pelo amianto à saúde humana. A pergunta que se faz é: que espaço urbano é esse instituído pela indústria do amianto que domina e controla várias dimensões do viver na cidade de Minaçu-GO? Para tentar responder a esta pergunta propõe-se a tese da urbanização autoritária. / This research starts with the analysis of the Imperialism as a stage of the todays capitalism and goes on the establish its relation with urban space and asbestos mining industry. Other topics connected to the asbestos industry are put together in this study such as: labor, worker`s health condition exposed to asbestos and social movements that defend a ban on asbestos mining and commercial activity. The generic/universal form of the Imperialism express itself concretely in many diverse way in different places/portions of the World. Every single portion reveals the World in that place and compounds the mosaic of places which forms the imperialist social totality.This analytical procedure puts the challenge of making the necessary reflexions with theories and facts in order to identify an understand how general process are translated to particular contexts. By doing so, theories and concepts as analytical tools helped that from a particular case study in light in Minaçu, a more general process regarding asbestos were better apprehended.This research empirical context is the asbestos mining industry in general and the city of Minaçu in Goias State (Brazil) a particular site. The linkage between particular and general is the fact that Minaçu town (GO) is has in its site the third largest asbestos mining ore in the World and the only in activity in Latin America and Brazil. Therefore, the mining industry in Brazil has its base in this small town in Goias countryside. This city is almost unseen in national map. Thats why, Minaçu Town is the center of many debates concerning the risks asbestos causes to human health care. The main question cast here is: what kind of urban space completely dominated by this mining industry was created in Minaçu-GO? In order to address this question this study proposes the theory of authoritarian urbanization.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-10-19T12:00:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Julia Dantas Scramim.pdf: 1003855 bytes, checksum: 1100dce0c17c412b2605ac8daee988bf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-19T12:00:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Julia Dantas Scramim.pdf: 1003855 bytes, checksum: 1100dce0c17c412b2605ac8daee988bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-29 / This work intends to present the totalitarianism and the superfluity of man steamed from it, developed by Hannah Arendt, mainly in her work "The Origins of Totalitarianism". It goes through the historical exposition of the events and phenomena prior to totalitarianism: the antisemitism due to the emancipation and Jew’s assimilation by the European society; and the colonial and continental imperialism. The first one, serving European countries in search of new consumer markets, develops ways of domination (racism and bureaucracy) serving to the ideology and to the totalitarian government; the second one deals with the rise of national movements, as well as the unfeasibility of protecting human rights against the nation-state. It also shows the differentiation among the totalitarian government and other ways of tyranny and dictatorship by the treatment given to the totalitarian leader, by the action of his secret police, the government unusual structure, the ideology based on History's and/or Nature' laws, the terror as a guarantee of application of these laws and by the concentration camps as an experiment of man’s total domination. It also deals with the human's superfluity promoted in totalitarianism by the death of the juridical person, of the moral person and destruction of the individuality and by the complete ruin of the human content / Este trabalho pretende fazer uma apresentação do totalitarismo e da superfluidade dos homens dele decorrente, desenvolvida por Hannah Arendt, prioritariamente em sua obra “Origens do totalitarismo”. Percorre a exposição histórica dos eventos e dos fenômenos anteriores ao totalitarismo: o antissemitismo decorrente da emancipação e da assimilação dos judeus pela sociedade europeia; e o imperialismo colonial e continental. O primeiro, a serviço de países europeus em busca de novos mercados consumidores, desenvolve formas de dominação (racismo e burocracia) que servem à ideologia e ao governo totalitário; e o segundo trata da ascensão dos movimentos nacionalistas, bem como a inviabilidade da proteção dos direitos humanos face ao Estado-nação. Mostra, também, a diferenciação entre o governo totalitário e outras formas de tirania e ditadura através do tratamento dado ao líder totalitário, da ação da sua polícia secreta, da estrutura peculiar do governo, da ideologia baseada nas leis da História e/ou da Natureza, do terror como garantia da aplicação dessas leis e dos campos de concentração como experimento do domínio total do homem. Trata, também, da superfluidade humana promovida no totalitarismo pelas mortes da pessoa jurídica, da pessoa moral e destruição da individualidade e pela dilapidação total dos conteúdos humanos

The impact of Roman power on the pre-existing administrative and economic systems of the conquered provinces has been a significant issue of scholarly debate for decades. In the last two decades attention has shifted from the idea of Romanization as a top-down phenomenon to a much more articulated process, in which the element of cultural interaction between the conquering power and the conquered populations was central and led to the creation of locally hybrid cultural forms. This dissertation analyzes the ways in which local cultures and identities interacted with Roman ones in the years between Attalus III’s testament and the end of the Flavian age. I chose to focus my research on these centuries as they include four key moments for the Provincia Asia: 1) the moment of its institution in 129/6 BC with the related issues due to Aristonicus’ rebellion and the necessity of establishing effective provincial administrative and economic structures; 2) the years between the Mithridatic wars and Caesar, when the province spiraled into debt and the Asian monetary system had to adapt to the extra taxation requested by Sulla and then to the change in the role of the societates publicanorum, who were deprived of the farming of the decuma by Caesar; 3) the years of the Civil War between Antony and Octavian and its aftermath, which gave increasing importance to the conventus and to the introduction of Roman currency into the province, both in the circulating monetary pool and as an account unit; 4) the post-Augustan age, which saw an increasing standardization in the ‘local’ monetary systems of the province, with respect to both silver and bronze coinage, and the final ‘victory’ of the conventus over the pre-existing administrative structures, as shown by the fact that even municipal taxation and local cults were by then organized according to the conventus system. The model of ‘middle-ground imperialism’ is useful for understanding the process of progressive standardization of Asian administrative structures and monetary system, not as a top-down process but rather as a bilateral interaction between Roman and local cultures, as I have shown in the case of the progressive standardization of Asian provincial administrative structures (Chapters 1 and 2) and monetary systems (Chapters 3, 4, 5, 6). According to this research the transformative age for the Romanization of the Provincia Asia was not the Augustan Age, but the Second Triumviral Age. The main heuristic tools for drafting the picture of the administrative and economic life of Provincia Asia are a database of Asian civic issues (both silver and bronze) between 133 BC and AD 96 that I have constructed out of the data in BMC, SNG Copenhagen and SNG Deutschlands – van Aulock (for pre-Antonian issues) and in RPC I-II (from Mark Antony up to the Flavians), and three epigraphic databases that include the epigraphic attestations of denarii, assaria and drachmae in the province of Asia between the 2nd century BC and the 2nd century AD, for a total of 372 inscriptions. All these databases are included here as Appendices (I – X).

This dissertation explains how international disputes over the legal foundations of United States imperial expansion became sites of unanticipated struggle over the legitimacy of the American justice system. Between the mid nineteenth century and the early twentieth, the United States submitted to a series of international tribunals designed to award monetary compensation for loss of life and property resulting from the wave of territorial acquisitions that transformed the nation into a global empire. These claims commissions depoliticized the dispossession that resulted from annexation by characterizing it as a form of exchange that could be retroactively settled through arbitration. The model of justifying expansion through claims settlement came into crisis when foreign nationals from Panama, the West Indies, and Mexico who were living in United States territories turned to these tribunals to argue that the US government authorized forms of state violence and labor coercion in violation of the international norms known as the “standard of civilization.” By demonstrating how claimants used seemingly technical calculations of market value compensation to question the government’s ability to protect life and property within its borders, the dissertation uncovers a forgotten moment of struggle over the limits and possibilities of international law to address structural injustices within the American legal system.

This is a study of the unexplored layers of the Japanese practice of urban planning and architecture in urban Manchuria (current northeast China) during the first half of the twentieth century. I reframe my examination within a broader context of international imperialism and Japanese reception of modern architecture during the first half of the twentieth century and argue that the dynamic interactions among the Japanese, Russian, and Chinese politicians and architects mutually shaped the international cityscapes in Manchuria. Moreover, I examine Japanese architects’ writings and buildings to illustrate how they regulated the indigenous and former colonial spaces and constructed a modern living space in Manchuria through the development of residential houses. 旧満洲（現在中国東北地方）における植民地都市空間の研究は、これまで公共建築や日本帝国の拡張を中心におこなわれてきた。本研究では、旧満洲都市の商業・生活空間に焦点をあて、建築史、美術史、地域学、社会学などを融合させた従来と異なる学際的なアプローチで、旧満洲の植民地都市空間を再考し、植民地支配の空間体験とモダニズムの本質を解明する。 満洲のケーススタディとして、20世紀前半の長春＝新京の商業・生活空間に焦点をあて、日・中・露の連携と競争がもたらした都市空間の形成と変遷を明らかにする。著者が発見した数枚の古地図を分析し、文献資料と照合しながら、1932年まで長春に共存した日本鉄道付属地とロシア鉄道付属地や中国の城内・商埠地との空間的な相互依存関係を検討する。三国の政治と経済の錯綜する土地である長春は、流動的で多層的な都市空間だったのである。さらに、満洲で活躍した日本人建築家の活動と言説を中心に、彼らが設計したモダン住宅や植民地観光のビジュアル資料を再考し、観光表象における「帝国的まなざし」と日常空間との重なりや齟齬を明らかにし、その観光空間と戦後に流行した満洲ロマンやノスタルジーとの関係にも焦点をあててきた。

This dissertation examines symbolic representations of British imperial power through the appropriation and display of Indian “things.” The objects and spectacles examined here—the Koh-i-Noor diamond, tigers and tiger hunting, and turbaned men on display—are all invested with a range of social and symbolic meanings within both their indigenous and imperial contexts. The things appropriated into the British Empire’s styling of itself that are discussed in this study were each traditionally associated with masculinity and kingship in their native Indian context and subsequently displayed on and around the bodies of British women. This study advances a relationship between the theatrics of British imperial power, and the emasculation and objectification of Indian men. A list of images has been submitted as a supplemental digital file with this dissertation.

The study of Indian indentured servitude in the British Empire has largely been confined to the histories of slavery or free labor. Few scholars have connected indenture to larger processes in the British Empire. This dissertation examines the global nature of Indian indenture to find how trends in colonial power were inflected in the relationship between the state and the indentured worker. This dissertation uses the colonial experience in South Asia as a basis for its global history. It contends that the history of the colonial rule of law in the subcontinent was of deep importance to the mechanisms of indenture. By looking at archival records from the United Kingdom, Trinidad, Fiji, and elsewhere, this dissertation finds that officials in the indenture colonies were attempting to transform indebted Indian peasants into indentured workers. This process was inflected by the experience of colonial rule elsewhere. At first, this meant the implementation of ideas tied to imperial liberalism. Following the challenges to British colonialism in the mid-nineteenth century, the indenture colonies mirrored a wider movement towards conservative governance. The ways in which the colonial state attempted to control and manipulate workers underwent a dramatic shift. In the indenture colony, colonial power exerted both authoritarian and paternalist tendencies. This dissertation uses the governorships of Arthur Hamilton-Gordon in Trinidad and Fiji to explore this shift. This dissertation makes its argument by focusing on the indenture colonies of Trinidad and Fiji. In doing so, it moves beyond the model of studying indenture that has looked at the British Empire as a whole, or otherwise in specific colonies or sub-regions. Using Trinidad and Fiji allows for a deep understanding of continuity and change. For example, Trinidad can be used to examine indenture’s beginnings, as the colony began to import Indian indentured labor in 1842, while Fiji can be used to understand late indenture. Furthermore, colonial officials, ideas of authority, capital, labor, and goods were always circulating throughout this global empire. The study of Trinidad and Fiji allows for a critical understanding of such exchanges and this dissertation uses both to explore bureaucratic offices, law, financial systems, governance, protest, medicine and health, and global agitation in Indian indenture. “The Currents of Restless Toil” is an in-depth study into the nature of colonial governance in the indenture colonies of Trinidad and Fiji. It explores the nuances of colonial power, providing a window into the theory and practice that shaped the restless toil of Indians across the world.

Long before the writings of the New Testament gospels, where Jesus was being proclaimed as the Son of God, and Savior, the world existing under the influences of Hellenism resulting from the conquests by Alexander the Great in 323 BCE, had already been well acquaint ed with and expected to hear certain symbolic language in determining titles for their divine ruler the emperor. Living within a cosmological framework, i.e., a sacred cosmos, the citizens of the empire accepted the emperor as the manifestation of divinity in the world. This belief existed for centuries prior to Christianity as a reality that was taken for granted. In fact, this belief system was never questioned until the time of the emperor Constantine, during the middle of the fourth century C.E. (MacMullen, 85) The Julio-Claudian dynasty, beginning with the reign of Julius Caesar in the year 62 BCE, through the end of the Flavian Dynasty, beginning with the emperor Vepasian in 69 CE through the year 117 CE, will be the timeframe of this work. It represents the period of time when the writers of the Synoptic gospels were writing their accounts of the life of Jesus and also for those writing for and about the imperial court reporting on the lives of the emperors. The geographical location in this work will include the territories of the Mediterranean regions, since this was where the extant texts used in this study originated. This particular time period in and around the area of the Mediterranean was commonly referred to as the early Roman Empire. Within the empire, a worldview that influenced and shaped a belief that the emperor as understood in terms of divinity were already well-established beliefs in the minds of the people. Living within a worldview shaped by imperial theology,the writers of the Synoptic gospels would borrow the existing symbolic language already in use by the imperialistic writers in their legitimating of the emperor as a divine representative of the gods on earth, and then apply these same terms in legitimating Jesus as the Son of God. My purpose is not to ignore the Jewishness of the gospel texts, since it is quite obvious that Jewish symbols appear throughout all of the gospel, indicating that members of the existing community of Jews are presenting these writings. However, I am suggesting that the Jewish community living in the Mediterranean area during the period of empire building existed as a minority culture. Hellenism and a Roman imperialistic form of government, which was dominating and oppressing the majority of the membership of the community including the Jews, shaped the prevailing social milieu of the empire. In my thesis, I will support the work of these scholars by showing how Hellenistic and Roman traditions, alongside of Jewish traditions, shaped the way in which these writers attempted to legitimate Jesus as the Christ. Furthermore, I will argue that the existing symbols already established within a Roman imperial theology were used to legitimate the superiority of the emperor as ordained through the will of the gods, and as an object of favor by the gods. In other words, imperial theology would support a belief that the emperor and the gods were in special relationship. This ideology will develop through the Julio-Claudian and will also prevail in the minds of the believers through the early years of the Flavian Dynasty. By the middle of the Flavian period, the emperor will be perceived as the sole representative of a sovereign, father/god whose main function will be to unite the people as one community under one god. Meanwhile, the writers of the Synoptics will borrow these same symbols used under imperialism in their own search for meaning in a world oppressed by Roman authority. These writers will also assign power to Jesus, with the purpose of legitimating him as the sole representative of the one, sovereign god over all people. Writers such as Cassius Dio (40-110 CE), Suetonius (69-140 CE) and Tacitus (54-117 CE) historians reporting on the lives of the emperor from this period will be presented as examples of the view that existed within Roman imperialism. These writers and the writers of the Synoptics were, perhaps, writing in reaction to one another's claims in defining their heroes in terms of divinity. I am also suggesting that the symbols used by all of these writers understand the purpose of their hero-figures in terms of power. The writers of the gospels will claim to have the ultimate word, in their effort to override the old political/religious system found within imperial theology and replace it with a new form of power offered by their hero-figure, Jesus of Nazareth. This new ideology sought to legitimate not only Jesus in terms of power, but also assigned power to the marginal members of society. The terminology that the gospel writers used in legitimating Jesus as the Son of God is understood as the Christology of the gospels in this work.

This thesis is both an empirical history of white women in Queensland colonialism and a theoretical history of colonialism and imperialism in the late nineteenth century. It is a feminist history which seeks to fill the gap in our understanding of white women and 'race' in the contact zone in Queensland in the nineteenth century. At this level the thesis restores historical agency to women and reveals women's history as a powerful alternative to traditional colonial histories. It also positions this Queensland history within a global discourse of critical imperial histories that has emerged over the past decade, seeking to understand how British imperialism and Queensland colonialism shaped and informed each other in a two way process. The central themes of the thesis are 'race' and gender. I examine the ways in which white women deploy imperial ideologies of 'race' in the contact zone to position themselves as white women. 'Race' and gender are explored through the ways in which white women negotiated, in their writing, their relationships with Indigenous people and Pacific Islanders on the frontier and in the contact zone. The white women whose texts are examined in this thesis engaged with 'race' difference in their autobiographical accounts and these accounts, on many levels, allow us to rethink colonial history. I argue that colonialism is paradoxical and that white women experienced this colonial paradox in their daily lives and negotiated it in their writing. The white women whose writing is studied here were decent people with good intentions. They were simultaneously humanitarians (to differing degrees) and colonists. They were dependant for their livelihoods upon a violent colonisation and yet they were sympathetic to the Aboriginal people they interacted with. Often they were silenced in their opinions on the violence they witnessed. Writing was a means of navigating these contradictions. White women were in a relatively powerless position in the contact zone and there was little they could do to mitigate the violence that they saw. The tensions that resulted from living in the colonial paradox on frontiers and in the contact zone, of being a colonists and humanitarians, and of living in an uncontrollable existential situation is expressed in the writing of these women. This history offers us a more holistic understanding of the complexity of colonialism in Australia.

Having reviewed an example of environmental degradation (the effect of gold mining related activities on the acquatic ecosystems in Te Tai Poutini) from varying Maori and Pakeha perspectives I have developed a framework to find combine these perspectives into a working analytical tool kit. The tool kit is intended to better define the problems to ensure that they take into account the widely differing views of Maori and Pakeha and is able to promote solutions that will be appropriate and safe for both Maori and Pakeha. I have sought to collect and present a comprehensive analysis of both perspectives. I have focussed more heavily however on the Maori paradigms as they are less well reported in the literature on environmental health and less influence on the way we seek to protect people from the negative effects of environmental degradation. This is despite the fact that as Maori are more likely to be exposed to environmental damage in that they are on average poorer and therefore have less choice about where they may live and are more likely to eat foods taken directly from the environment. I will also show that the damage to the Arahura is far more than physical and will show the concern of kaumatua and their psychological anguish they have felt over the damage to this most tapu river. For this reason I have chosen to present this thesis, in the form of a powhiri model. This model allows me to present different aspects of the problem from a Maori perspective including the views of kaumatua as well as recorded traditions. I have then followed these sections with a response from a Pakeha perspective. This includes reviewing the different underlying world, view as well as some attempt to review the damage in Pakeha terms by reviewing the literature and undertaking some tests to establish procedures for a more comprehensive testing of the enviroment that surrounds the Arahura. The thesis will conclude with a section summarising both strands of information and attempt to develop a framework for a health tool kit - he kete hauora. This kete will utilise Whare Tapa Wha as a way of placing the information in a context that can be presented in a reasonably coherent form. Finally I will make a number of recommendations that I called a place mat - he whariki. These recommendations are presented in a framework from Te Tiriti o Waitangi. This reflects the primacy of the Treaty when considering the ways in which Maori are to be protected by the Crown. These recommendations seek to respond to the principle barriers that are currently preventing local Maori from achieving a full sense of well being but, if implemented, these recommendations will ensure the protection of the health of all peoples of Te Tai Poutini.