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This dissertation is a case study of Albania regarding the influence institutions have over the utilization of the EU financial aid, more specifically, the Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance II (IPA II) for the period of 2014-2020. Albania has been struggling with EU accession despite the allocation of numerous funds in the form of development programs for several years. The study attempts to identify the endogenous obstacles to development and the utilization of funds due to both formal and informal institutions. The reviewed literature shows a clear correlation between economic growth and good quality institutions. Besides, it indicates that informal institutions play a major role in the development process. Therefore the role of the Kanun in Albania is examined. As defined by mainly Douglas North, the New Institutional Economics theory is used to dive into Albania’s formal and informal institutions and discover how those determine the politico-economic and social structures. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with nine key participants who work in IPA II projects at the local level across the country. The country was divided into three regions in order to identify variations in the role of IPA II funds, institutions, and degree of development. Before the analysis is done and the results are presented, the historical background of the three key historical periods of the country, Ottoman, Communist and Democracy, is provided to set the base of the origin of present institutions. The results from the interviews and the macro-economic indicators of the three regions show a correlation between good defined formal institutions and economic growth and strong informal institutions and stagnation, as the theory suggested.

Om missgynnade och underordnade kvinnor i strikta klassificeringssystem ska förändra sin position krävs socialt deltagande och kollektiv handling, men hur? Flertalet Aymarakvinnor har upplevt att ”kapacitetslärande” åtgärder har varit framgångsrika, men till vilken nivå? Att vara del av samhälles fattigaste befolkning betyder ett liv under en mångfald sociala orättvisor. I den här uppsatsen argumenterar jag för att kapacitetslärande är ett potentiellt verktyg för social förändring. Detta gör jag genom att hänvisa till den informella utbildningen och det symboliska kapital som åtgärden omfattar, sett ur ett makt- och självbestämmande-perspektiv. Genom att förmedla de förhållanden som Aymarakvinnorna lever under, och med hjälp av intersektionalitetsteorin presenterar jag några av de faktorer som försvårar dessa att nå en radikal social förändring. Likväl är ursprungskvinnornas sociala påverkan och aktivism central i kampen för rättvisa. / If deprived and subordinate women in rigorous systems of stratification are to change their position, social agency and collective activism is needed, but how? Several Bolivian Aymara women have experienced processes of “capacity-building” to be a successful measurement, but to what extent? Being part of the poorest sectors of society implies being dominated by a diverse spectrum of social injustices. In this paper I argue that capacity-building may be a potential tool for social change. I will show this by referring to the informal education and the “symbolic capital” this embraces, seen from an empowerment perspective. By illustrating the conditions under which the Aymara women live, I will, with the help of intersectionality theory present some of the factors which impede them to bring about a radical social change. Nevertheless, the indigenous women’s agency and activism are crucial for the achievement of social justice.

Denna studie undersöker hur illegala polska migranter lever och arbetar i Stockholm. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka varför polacker väljer illegal invandring till Stockholm som strategy. Dessutom hur strukturer i den svenska arbetsmarknaden och kontrol myndigheter påverkar dem. Studien visar att de flesta polacker hade kontakter med polska nätverk som redan var etablerade i Sverige före tanken på migration som en möjlig strategy tog form. Starka länkar kunde utskiljas mellan dessa nätverk i Stockholm och två regioner i norra Polen. Länkar kunde också utskiljas till tre regioner i södra Polen. Resultaten visar att strukturer inom den svenska arbetsmarknaden har gjort hemstädning till en niche för polacker som arbetar svart i Stockholm. Studien visar att många arbetade svart inom bygg och trädgårdsbranchen, dock inte i samma uttsträckning. Att resa genom Tyskland för att ta sig till Sverige var ett vanligt sätt att kringgå starka gränskontroller före det polska EU medlemskapet. Det svenska personnumret fungerar väl som kontrolfunktion och gör det svårt för illegala polacker att hyra lägenheter. För att kringgå detta hyr de ofta enstaka rum istället. En majoritet av polacker i studien tror inte att ett polsk EU medlemskap kommer att påverka deras arbete och leverne i Stockholm och kommer därmed fortsätta att arbeta svart. / This thesis is a study on Polish irregular migrants living and working in the Stockholm metropolitan region. The aim of the paper is to find out why Poles choose irregular migration to Stockholm as a strategy, and how the Swedish labour market structure and control authorities influence them. This study shows that most Poles had contacts with Polish networks already established in Sweden before contemplating irregular migration as a strategy. Strong links could be found between these networks in Stockholm and two regions in northern Poland. Clear links were also found to three regions in southern Poland. Swedish labour market structure has helped to make domestic cleaning a niche for undocumented Poles in Stockholm although many were also working in the gardening and building/renovation sectors. Results from this paper show that strong Swedish control functions make a number of survival strategies necessary to enter and live undocumented in Sweden. Transiting through Germany was a common way for undocumented Poles to bypass strong Swedish migration controls before Poland joined the EU. Internal control functions such as the Swedish personal ID number make renting apartments difficult for undocumented Poles, which make renting rooms a better option. A majority of undocumented Poles do not believe that Poland%u2019s membership will affect their work and lives in Stockholm and they will therefore continue to work undocumented.

<p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p> <p>It is estimated that twenty percent of the Canadian population experiences a serious mental illness at some point in their lifetime. A portion of those that do so will be parents. Research indicates that in some circumstances, when a parent with a serious mental illness needs support that they are not getting from other adults or the formal mental health care system, the caregiving responsibilities can fall to their children. Sometimes called “young carers” in literature developed in the U.K. and elsewhere, there has been little attention in Canada to this population or the implications of the term “young carers”. Through a critical feminist lens, a small qualitative study was undertaken to explore the lived experiences of adults looking back on having been “young carers”, a perspective seldom taken in the literature.</p> <p>The four study participants had all cared for their mothers in households with extended social networks that included fathers and siblings- an interesting counterpoint to the “young carer” literature, which has centered on isolated single parents with children. Participants described how they found themselves in caring roles, what their caring consisted of, and why they continued to care despite other options being available. The study reveals the intricate social pressures that the participants faced, and suggests that becoming a carer may be more complex than past studies have indicated. I examined participants’ stories with an eye to the structural forces that shaped their pathways as carers and their reflections on those pathways. The discussion focuses on what the participants’ experiences can tell us about the contemporary neoliberal political climate: how its emphases on individualism, independence and smaller government, contribute to the depletion of public mental health services and a troubling focus on sustaining “young carers” rather than questioning their positioning.</p> / Master of Social Work (MSW)

The financial link in the process of illegal immigration is a little researched domain in the literature. This research is the first exploratory study to examine the role of Chinese-operated informal fund transfer systems in the U.S. in the lives of Chinese illegal migrant workers and their families who remained in China. The primary source of data was in-depth interviews with thirty illegal immigrants in New York City and Philadelphia. The findings show that the emergence of underground banks in the U.S. coincided with the largest waves of Chinese illegal immigrants smuggled into the U.S. since the later 1980s. They served as a preferred means of fund transfer among Chinese illegals due to their unique service, not necessarily because of the clients' illegal status, or any coercive actions by human smuggling groups. Through inductive analysis based on the narrative data, this research is able to trace the trajectory of the evolution of Chinese underground banks over the past decades. The evidence seems to suggest an indirect role played by these illegal fund transfer systems in sustaining transnational illegal labor migration achieved through human smuggling. The research also suggests a declining importance of underground banks and a shift away from their use toward legitimate fund transfer channels among Chinese illegal immigrants since the mid-1990s and a seemingly new role of formal institutions in filling in the vacancy left by underground banks. Finally, the findings suggest that underground banks may have been forced to and have adapted to a narrower and more illicit use. / Criminal Justice