This thesis examines the extent to which Italy can instrumentalize international law to eschew protection responsibilities for migrants in distress at sea. In doing so, this study delimits itself by focusing on three legal cases: Aquarius, Hirsi Jamaa, and GLAN. These cases are analyzed against relevant international legal doctrine by means of Martti Koskenniemi’s deconstructive method, in order to explicate the political maneuvering embedded in the international legal framework. By adopting B.S. Chimni’s theory on the non-entrée regime, this thesis finds that Italy exploits the legal ambiguity in international law, in order to distance themselves from rescue and protection obligations. Conclusively, instead of creating a legal framework that is responsive to the protection needs of boat migrants, international law simultaneously enables Italy to barter off responsibility for refugees in distress at sea. Thus, this thesis contributes with a critical perspective to international law related to migrants in distress at sea.

Denna studie undersöker hur illegala polska migranter lever och arbetar i Stockholm. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka varför polacker väljer illegal invandring till Stockholm som strategy. Dessutom hur strukturer i den svenska arbetsmarknaden och kontrol myndigheter påverkar dem. Studien visar att de flesta polacker hade kontakter med polska nätverk som redan var etablerade i Sverige före tanken på migration som en möjlig strategy tog form. Starka länkar kunde utskiljas mellan dessa nätverk i Stockholm och två regioner i norra Polen. Länkar kunde också utskiljas till tre regioner i södra Polen. Resultaten visar att strukturer inom den svenska arbetsmarknaden har gjort hemstädning till en niche för polacker som arbetar svart i Stockholm. Studien visar att många arbetade svart inom bygg och trädgårdsbranchen, dock inte i samma uttsträckning. Att resa genom Tyskland för att ta sig till Sverige var ett vanligt sätt att kringgå starka gränskontroller före det polska EU medlemskapet. Det svenska personnumret fungerar väl som kontrolfunktion och gör det svårt för illegala polacker att hyra lägenheter. För att kringgå detta hyr de ofta enstaka rum istället. En majoritet av polacker i studien tror inte att ett polsk EU medlemskap kommer att påverka deras arbete och leverne i Stockholm och kommer därmed fortsätta att arbeta svart. / This thesis is a study on Polish irregular migrants living and working in the Stockholm metropolitan region. The aim of the paper is to find out why Poles choose irregular migration to Stockholm as a strategy, and how the Swedish labour market structure and control authorities influence them. This study shows that most Poles had contacts with Polish networks already established in Sweden before contemplating irregular migration as a strategy. Strong links could be found between these networks in Stockholm and two regions in northern Poland. Clear links were also found to three regions in southern Poland. Swedish labour market structure has helped to make domestic cleaning a niche for undocumented Poles in Stockholm although many were also working in the gardening and building/renovation sectors. Results from this paper show that strong Swedish control functions make a number of survival strategies necessary to enter and live undocumented in Sweden. Transiting through Germany was a common way for undocumented Poles to bypass strong Swedish migration controls before Poland joined the EU. Internal control functions such as the Swedish personal ID number make renting apartments difficult for undocumented Poles, which make renting rooms a better option. A majority of undocumented Poles do not believe that Poland%u2019s membership will affect their work and lives in Stockholm and they will therefore continue to work undocumented.

We live in an era of advanced technological innovations and it is therefore difficult to acquire a proper overview of the different surveillance techniques deployed for the purpose of enhancing and administrating migration control. The intent of this paper is to disseminate one of the new technologies on the market: the biometric technology that is an identification and verification system based on measurements of biological traits. Different approaches are used to explore and investigate the technological functions, social structures and political justifications for their validity and their role in the implementation of the biometric technology. The paper also provides an overview of the different areas of political and social management that are affected by the implementation of the biometric techniques.The principal aim of this work is to examine how the implementation of the biometric techniques will affect privacy for all people, taking both information privacy and personal integrity into consideration. The second question deals with migration management, as the current implementation mainly involves travel documents. It focuses on the consequences of the so-called war on terror and its call for prevention of terrorism and irregular migration. The dilemma between national security and the right to privacy, public good and private interests, and the realms of state and individual rights are also discussed and analysed.Hence, the framework and the fundamental structure of this thesis are based on three core issues pertinent to the implementation of biometrics in the EU: threats posed on the right to privacy, securitization of migration, and intensification of surveillance and state control. The findings are used to identify the threats posed on right to privacy and the way this right is compromised, and the consequences of practices and policies in the field of migration that are discriminatory and exclusory. Lastly, by employing different theories, this paper examines why state seeks technological control over citizens and why individuals comply with state control and surveillance.

Why does the European Union focus on controlling irregular immigration at the external border? The emphasis presents a paradox as most irregular migrants in the EU arrive through legal channels and subsequently overstay or violate the conditions of their visa. In order to explore this paradox, the thesis examines two case studies, Malta and Cyprus. As small island states on the Union’s southern periphery, the two are ostensibly unable to resist the transfer of migration controls and asylum responsibility to the EU’s external borders. Yet, employing nonmaterial power, namely by highlighting the perceived migration pressures they are under, the two states have successfully attracted significant financial and practical support from other member states. In doing so, they have influenced policymaking within EU migration governance, but have ultimately reinforced the emphasis on controlling irregular immigration at the external border by portraying the phenomenon as a crisis. This thesis not only sheds light on the interaction between the EU and the two states under investigation, but combines three levels of analysis – the regional, national, and local. The crisis narrative detrimentally affects the migrant and refugee populations as it encourages the adoption of restrictive and deterrent measures rather than ensuring access to rights and long-term integration. Nevertheless, this population is not without agency. It is their individual decisions to move across national borders without state authorisation that in the aggregate both compels states into dialogue about the issue and provides the basis for the dynamic between the EU and these two member states.

La frontière orientale de la Grèce connaît depuis le début des années 2000 une augmentation des arrivées de migrants qui la franchissent sans autorisation. Le pays, nouvellement dans lʼespace Schengen, est jusque là muni dʼun cadre législatif prévu pour une immigration albanaise dont les autorités contrôlent les arrivées et envers laquelle elles pratiquent lʼexpulsion. Au fil des années 2000, lʼaugmentation des arrivées de migrants à la frontière gréco-turque et une combinaison de prises de décisions politiques autant locales, nationales, quʼeuropéennes, voire mondiales, a entraîné lʼémergence de lieux dʼenfermement. Cʼest lʼensemble de ces évolutions, leurs enjeux et leurs conséquences que ce travail décrypte. Théoriquement et méthodologiquement inscrit dans une approche sociale et politique en géographie, la frontière est envisagée comme un assemblage. Cela permet de comprendre comment le contrôle migratoire sʼétend à de nouveaux espaces et à de nouveaux acteurs, prolongeant ainsi la frontière au-delà de la ligne de séparation. Les modalités de cette extension frontalière sont autant le fait des cadres législatifs et des pratiques policières à différentes échelles que de lʼenvironnement socioculturel des espaces frontaliers. La manière dont ces éléments sʼimbriquent pour former une frontière réticulaire et performative permet dʼancrer la réflexion au cœur dʼun débat géographique sur les nouvelles formes de frontières contemporaines et leurs localisations. Du franchissement frontalier jusquʼau cœur du territoire grec, cette thèse expose les modalités de production et de reproduction des situations de frontières pour les migrants dans le pays. / Since the start of the millenium Greeceʼs eastern border has witnessed an increase in the flow of irregular migrants from Africa, the Middle East and Asia. Although the country entered Schengen a few years back, its immigration laws catered mainly for arrivals from Albania, an immigration that the autorities wanted to keep under control and where expulsions were possible. Throughout the noughties, new places of confinment were built in response to increasing numbers of migrants at the border between Greece and Turkey, and based on a combination of political decisions taken locally, nationally, at European level and even globally. This essay deciphers these trends, what is at stake and the consequences that they carry. From a theoretical and methodological point of view, encompassing a social and political approach in geography, borders are considered as an assemblage. This makes it easier to understand how migratory control expands beyond the geographical line of separation between Greece and Turkey and into new spaces involving new players. This expansion of the borders is the result of the legal framework, the policing practices at all levels and the sociocultural environment of these areas. The way in which these various elements come together to form a border that is both reticular and performative, enables us to position our thoughts within the geographical debate on new forms of contemporary borders and their localisation. From crossing the border to life inside the greek territory, this thesis presents the ways in which border situations are created and reproduced for the migrants in that country.

No description available.

This thesis makes two related arguments regarding the academic field of migration and refugee studies (MARS) and the control of migration by UK state agencies. The first, and more empirical one, is that the former facilitated the latter: the field’s members provided symbolic, technical, and pedagogic assistance to two non-departmental public bodies in controlling migration. The second, and more theoretical, argument of this thesis is that MARS facilitated migration control because of culture, power, and structure. It is through the field’s implication in the coercion of its human subjects by UK state agencies that MARS academics a) answered their calling, b) assisted class rule as ideologists, and c) separated sacred and profane by policing endogamy. The introduction describes the existing literature on the relationship between MARS and migration control. The consensus is that the former facilitated the latter. However, these studies fail to provide detailed accounts of the ways in which it did so. Chapter One defines the elements of my more empirical argument: MARS and migration control. An historical narrative outlines the institutional development of the field since its beginnings in the early 1980s. Then a new model for understanding migration control – i.e., migrant CODAR – is described. Chapter Two uses this model to trace the actor network through which MARS academics facilitated the restriction of their human subjects’ mobility by the UK state agencies of the Advisory Panel on Country Information and the Migration Advisory Committee. Chapters Three, Four, and Five use Weberian, Marxist, and Durkheimian anthropological approaches (respectively) to explain the implication of MARS and migration control that is described in Chapters One and Two. Finally, the conclusion of the thesis discusses its contributions to both more particular (i.e., the literature surveyed in the introduction on MARS and migration control) and more general (i.e., anthropology) scholarly fields.

This thesis is a qualitative study focusing on the situation that has evolved in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) from the beginning of 2018, when migrants and refugees started entering the country in large numbers in the context of the so-called Balkan route. The approach adopted in the thesis is informed by critical studies emphasizing the asymmetries entailed in the emerging multilevel governance of migration. The European Union (EU), the BiH state, IOM, civil society, activists, and citizens, are inserted in a “situational map” presenting their inter-relations, and the potential of each to influence the situation of concern. This thesis analyses in details the role of the EU, which is implementing in BiH its security-informed approach to irregular migration through externalization and multilevelling strategies. Eight semi-structured interviews allow the investigation into the potential and challenges of a “governance from below”. The main argument of this thesis is that the EU, outsourcing its strategy to curb irregular migration to BiH, fails to address the humanitarian crisis that is developing there, besides mining the stability and democracy of the country.

Suite à la croissance du phénomène migratoire clandestin, la prise de conscience publique et officielle de ce phénomène et du trafic des migrants est évidente. En conséquence, la signature du Protocole de l‘ONU contre le trafic de migrants et l‘adoption d‘une directive et d‘une décision-cadre au niveau européen sont conçues pour faire face à ceux qui profitent de ce phénomène, à savoir les trafiquants. Le droit français quant à lui, a accru la répression contre les tierces personnes impliquées, de près ou de loin, dans les activités clandestines de l‘immigration. Malgré l‘objectif affiché par ledit Protocole de « lutte contre le trafic illicite de migrants », les mesures adoptées et la large liberté laissée aux États membres, indiquent clairement le vrai but de cet instrument international, à savoir la lutte contre l‘immigration clandestine elle-même, but qui est le même pour l‘UE. Mais quel est le statut accordé par le protocole et par les dispositions européennes ainsi que françaises aux migrants qui font appel aux services des passeurs ? À travers cette étude nous pouvons entrevoir que la formulation des dispositions du Protocole et celle des dispositions européennes visent à n‘assurer aucun statut juridique aux migrants clandestins. Il n‘y a pas de statut juridique, ni victime, ni coupable, le migrant est en détresse. En revanche, en droit français, le migrant clandestin n‘est presque jamais regardé comme un homme, mais plutôt comme un délinquant. Le législateur français a choisi la loi pénale face à ces migrants. Cependant, les sanctions et la sévérité ne pourront rien contre un homme torturé, affamé, méprisé dans son pays. La loi pénale, à elle seule, ne permettra sans doute pas d‘apporter une solution. La préservation de l‘équilibre nécessairement fragile entre le respect de la liberté individuelle et le maintien de l‘ordre public est rarement prise en considération. En revanche les considérations économiques ont justifié une plus grande rigueur à l‘encontre des clandestins, au niveau de leur entrée, de leur séjour. / As a result of the ever increasing illegal migration phenomenon, Public opinion and officials are now clearly aware of it and of the trafficking involved. Therefore, the signing of the UN Protocole against the smuggling of migrants and the adoption of a directive together with a decision framework at European level are tailor made to fight against the traffickers taking advantage of this phenomenon. French law, as it is concerned, has increased repression against whoever might be involved in this clandestine smuggling and trafficking. Despite the objective stated in the, so called, Protocol of ―fighting against the smuggling of migrants‖ The measures adopted and the large freedom given to the members states, clearly indicate that the true purpose of this international instrument is indeed the same as the E.U‘s that is to say : fighting against illegal immigration. But what is the status granted by the protocol and the European as well as French provisions to the migrants who use the services of smugglers? All through this study we can see that the formulations of the provisions of the protocol and that of the European provisions are intended to ensure that no legal status is granted to clandestine migrants. As far as they are concerned they have no legal status so there is no victim and no offender: a clandestine migrant is just in distress. However in the French law a clandestine migrant is seen as an offender but not as a man in distress. The French parliament has chosen to enforce criminal law against these migrants but, will this stop migrants who are tortured, despised and starving in their country of origin? Choosing to see them only as offenders won‘t probably bring any solution to the problem. The necessary preservation of the delicate balance between respect for individual freedom and the maintenance of public order is rarely taken into consideration. However economic considerations justify rigour againt illegal immigrants concerning who is allowed to enter the country and how long they will be allowed to stay.