The study describes the labour conditions for migrants in Sweden and aims at examining who is to benefit from increased labour migration. The qualitative method with a literature review is complemented with an interview in order to incorporate undocumented migrants’ perspective. Labour migration is discussed with the possible progress towards circular migration and thereafter incorporated in analyse with the dual labour market theory. The results show that it is foremost Swedes and migrants from inside the EU/EEA region that benefit from labour migration while migrants from outside the region will have to follow employers’ needs. This has lead to labour permits in low wage sectors were migrants supplement to structural inflation. The demand for cheap labour has also led to the exploitation of undocumented migrants who are paid starvation salaries. If these services are increasingly requested, serious employers might find it difficult to stand against decreasing minimum salaries and the welfare will decrease for more groups of employers. Meanwhile, changing demography is predicted to necessitate increased migration to sustain an economical growth in Sweden. This would also suggest that Sweden receives the main benefit from increased labour migration.

Translated title: Transnational Care Space Central Europe. Working and Living Conditions of Irregular Migrants in Domestic Care Provision

Translated title: Transnational Care Space Central Europe. Working and Living Conditions of Irregular Migrants in Domestic Care Provision

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(経済学) / 甲第24825号 / 経博第672号 / 新制||経||304(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院経済学研究科経済学専攻 / (主査)教授 矢野, 剛, 教授 西山, 慶彦, 教授 諸富, 徹 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Economics / Kyoto University / DFAM

This exploratory study was inspired by the author’s voluntary work with streetconnected children and youth in Kenya. It develops an understanding of the experiences of young people leaving the street in two provincial Kenyan towns. Although there has been extensive research concerned with street-connectedness, there has been a limited focus on young people’s transitions away from the street. Participants were identified with the help of three organisations: fifty-three young people, aged 12 -28, participated in semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and visual methods, during two field research visits to Kenya, in 2012 and 2013. The study found that their experiences of leaving the street were influenced by their day-to-day interactions with family, friends and other members of the communities into which they transitioned. These interactions influenced how accepted the young people felt and the extent to which they believed they were supported economically, physically and psychosocially, especially with regards to their relationships with family members. The participants’ interactions with school-based peers and teachers were particularly important in schools and training centres, where they struggled to develop a sense of belonging. Being street-connected is an integral part of the identities constructed by young people after they leave the street and establish places for themselves in their families, schools, local communities, and wider society. Such street-connectedness can be a strength: the resilience and skills developed on the street are useful attributes in adapting to new situations, potentially providing income-generating opportunities later on. However, the stigmatisation and resulting marginalisation they experienced on the street can have lasting effects. Barriers to inclusion experienced on the street influence a young person’s ability to develop a sense of belonging to their new situation after leaving the street. This study makes a conceptual contribution. Street-connectedness begins when a young person first arrives on the street, and continues until what could be years after they leave it. This street-connectedness can be characterised by three liminalities. The first is associated with living in the physical space defined as being on the street: a physical embodiment of liminality. The second, describes the process of being in transition as a young person newly arrived on the street, or having recently left the street: each being a liminal phase. The third liminality is described by an identity-forming social space, associated with being, and having been, street-connected: a liminal identity. This liminal identity, associated with being street-connected, impacts upon young people (re)entering home communities and, in particular, education, and highlights a need to consider and address the effects of these impacts.

This thesis firstly explores the process and effects of social dialogue in the context of informal home-based workers in Gujarat, India, and secondly the applicability of Dryzek’s theory of discourse democracy on this case study. In doing this, the study investigates the potential of social dialogue and discourse democracy to work as instruments for improving the social and economic situation of the workers. The case study consists of how the organisation and trade union Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) communicate with influential actors in order to improve the social and economic situation of the informal home-based workers. The material is gathered through interviews with four organisers at SEWA, and observations made when visiting three areas of home-based workers. The empirical results are presented in a chapter demonstrating the process of social dialogue and its effect on the workers situation in this particular context. The second part of the results is a discussion where the theoretical framework, consisting of Dryzek’s discourse democracy and the critique of Habermas’s deliberative democracy that structure his theory, and the empirical findings are scrutinised in relation to each other; by discussing traits of the theories in connection to the case study. The thesis concludes that there are similarities between social dialogue in this case and the theory of discourse democracy, but the theory cannot wholly be used to conceptualise social dialogue. It demonstrated the importance of the communicative decision-making to admit a wide variety of kinds of communication and to involve an active civil society with support in the constitutional framework for improving the social and economic situation of the workers. However, it also indicates that other practices than communicative ones are necessary in this struggle.

Este trabalho busca compreender as formas de relações de trabalho que estão à margem do assalariamento e suas consequências e perspectivas para a relação entre estado e sociedade no que se refere ao mundo do trabalho. A literatura tradicionalmente chamou os trabalhadores envolvidos nestas formas de relações laborais de informais ou atípicos. Neste sentido, foram tradicionalmente compreendidos, tanto academicamente como politicamente, na chave da falta e da impossibilidade da política. Contudo, se é verdade que do ponto de vista das instituições tradicionais relativas ao mundo do trabalho (sindicatos, estado e suas formas jurídicas de regulação do trabalho) elas de fato ainda são estranhas e não nomeáveis senão pela falta, no contexto das transformações econômicas e políticas ocorridas na últimas décadas, estas formas de relações laborais são constitutivos tanto do atual modelo de acumulação como também criam novos campos de conflitos, e a partir deles estão buscando se organizar politicamente, construir identidade e colocar sua agenda para o trabalho. Buscou-se assim, na primeira parte deste texto, compreender o significado teórico e político que as formas de trabalho não assalariadas tiveram e tem para o mundo do trabalho. Na segunda parte, a partir de uma discussão centrada na chamada economia solidária, se busca compreender a emergência desta nova realidade e a constituição de novos sujeitos políticos no mundo do trabalho, com identidade e agenda próprias. Contudo, se por um lado, neste processo de constituição de novos sujeitos políticos, estas formas de trabalho e seus trabalhadores ficam além da informalidade, por outro, ainda não conseguiram ser reconhecidos, em sua relação com o estado, como sujeitos portadores de direitos. / This work aims to examine the non-wage based labour relations and understand its implications for the State and Society. These kinds of labour relations have been referred to as \"informal\" or \"non typical\". In this sense, they have been viewed academically and politically as lacking or unviable. However, if it is true that from the perspective of the traditional labour institutions (Unions, State, and the juridical forms of labour regulation) these labour relations are aliens and cannot be characterized but for absence of the key attributes that traditionally have defined labour, in the context of political and economical changes that took place in the past decades, these labour relations are an important part of the accumulation model and have generated new fields of conflict and have been trying to get politically organized, building identity and pushing forward with their agenda. The first part of the work focus on understanding the theoretical and political implications of the non wage based relations for labour relations in general. On the second part, based on a discussion around \"solidary economy\', we try to understand the emergence of this new reality and the development of new political subjects with their own agendas and identities. However, although these labour relations and its workers are not informal, they still not recognized in their relation with the State as having rights.

Este trabalho busca compreender as formas de relações de trabalho que estão à margem do assalariamento e suas consequências e perspectivas para a relação entre estado e sociedade no que se refere ao mundo do trabalho. A literatura tradicionalmente chamou os trabalhadores envolvidos nestas formas de relações laborais de informais ou atípicos. Neste sentido, foram tradicionalmente compreendidos, tanto academicamente como politicamente, na chave da falta e da impossibilidade da política. Contudo, se é verdade que do ponto de vista das instituições tradicionais relativas ao mundo do trabalho (sindicatos, estado e suas formas jurídicas de regulação do trabalho) elas de fato ainda são estranhas e não nomeáveis senão pela falta, no contexto das transformações econômicas e políticas ocorridas na últimas décadas, estas formas de relações laborais são constitutivos tanto do atual modelo de acumulação como também criam novos campos de conflitos, e a partir deles estão buscando se organizar politicamente, construir identidade e colocar sua agenda para o trabalho. Buscou-se assim, na primeira parte deste texto, compreender o significado teórico e político que as formas de trabalho não assalariadas tiveram e tem para o mundo do trabalho. Na segunda parte, a partir de uma discussão centrada na chamada economia solidária, se busca compreender a emergência desta nova realidade e a constituição de novos sujeitos políticos no mundo do trabalho, com identidade e agenda próprias. Contudo, se por um lado, neste processo de constituição de novos sujeitos políticos, estas formas de trabalho e seus trabalhadores ficam além da informalidade, por outro, ainda não conseguiram ser reconhecidos, em sua relação com o estado, como sujeitos portadores de direitos. / This work aims to examine the non-wage based labour relations and understand its implications for the State and Society. These kinds of labour relations have been referred to as \"informal\" or \"non typical\". In this sense, they have been viewed academically and politically as lacking or unviable. However, if it is true that from the perspective of the traditional labour institutions (Unions, State, and the juridical forms of labour regulation) these labour relations are aliens and cannot be characterized but for absence of the key attributes that traditionally have defined labour, in the context of political and economical changes that took place in the past decades, these labour relations are an important part of the accumulation model and have generated new fields of conflict and have been trying to get politically organized, building identity and pushing forward with their agenda. The first part of the work focus on understanding the theoretical and political implications of the non wage based relations for labour relations in general. On the second part, based on a discussion around \"solidary economy\', we try to understand the emergence of this new reality and the development of new political subjects with their own agendas and identities. However, although these labour relations and its workers are not informal, they still not recognized in their relation with the State as having rights.

Entering the 9th year of the Syrian Crisis, there are still more than 400 thousand school aged Syrian children considered ‘out-of-school’ in Turkey. Several previous studies as well as reports of International Organisations and Civil Society Organisations such as UNICEF and Support to Life argue that out-of-school Syrian children have formed part of the Turkish informal labour market. Restrained migration policies incorporated with the needs of global labour markets have caused precarisation of the migrant labour, and in the case of Turkey precarisation of migrant child labour as well. The aim of the current study is to critically analyse the strategies and interventions of this multilevel governance targeting migrant child labour. Hence, a qualitative research method was employed in order to answer the study’s research questions. First, document analysis was conducted to identify the multilevel institutional framework; and second, semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with selected informants working for International Organisations. By facilitating Carol Bacchi’s ‘What is the problem represented to be?’ (WPR) approach, each actor’s strategies and interventions directed to migrant child labour are scrutinised. While each actor by definition manages to identify the causes of (migrant) child labour, the strategies and interventions are constrained by the conventional migration management approach as well as the discourses of “the best interest of the child” and “fair trade”.