Gender differences play an important role in the diversity that exists in our world today. Evan as infants, our young minds are able to grasp that there are large differences in the roles and expectations for males and females and that these differences contribute to the variety of experiences that we encounter in our interactions with the two genders. As we grown from children into adults, it is clear that the biased opinions we form regarding the opposite sex in childhood are too simplistic in their ideologies, and during the time that we mature into young adults, our opinions mature as well. Although there has been much research into the development of attitudes from childhood into adulthood, the role that self-esteem may play in the process has been somewhat neglected. This thesis explored the nature of self-esteem and tested its salience with regard to intergroup gender bias in children and ambivalent sexism in adults. In the child sample (n=20), intergroup gender bias was found to be correlated positively with global self-worth. In the adult sample (n=218), elevated levels of global self-worth were correlated with hostile sexism in females and with benevolent sexism in males. Surprisingly few types of specific self-esteem (self-perceived peer social competence, behavioral conduct, physical appearance, and athletic competence) were found to correlate with intergroup gender bias in children and ambivalent sexism in adults.

<p>Intergroup relations are characterised by favourable and unfavourable biases. Towards one’s own group these biases are mostly favourable – ingroup favouritism. Research has, however, shown that outgroup favouritism, that is, the preference for a group to which the person does not belong, also permeates intergroup relations. Several theories such as social identity theory, social dominance theory, and system justification theory offer explanations of the dynamics of intergroup relations and biases. Despite not strictly being a theory of intergroup relations, right-wing authoritarianism also offers an explanation of intergroup bias by accounting for prejudice and ethnocentrism. Likewise, ideological conservatism has been shown to influence intergroup relations. </p><p>Based within these theories, this dissertation attempts to explain the social-psychological mechanisms regulating in- and outgroup favouritism. More specifically, Study I examines issues of power and legitimacy in relation to social perception and gender. Studies II and III examine the relationships between social psychological variables and affirmative action, which is aimed at diminishing inequalities between social groups. Together, the studies showed that gender plays a role in intergroup bias, both as an independent variable and as an object of social discrimination. Conservative ideologies predicted ingroup favouritism, but variably. Attitudes towards affirmative action were influenced by the way this issue is semantically framed. The results are discussed in relation to the theories of intergroup relations exposed above and the pertinent issue of attitude ambivalence in understanding outgroup favouritism.</p>

Intergroup relations are characterised by favourable and unfavourable biases. Towards one’s own group these biases are mostly favourable – ingroup favouritism. Research has, however, shown that outgroup favouritism, that is, the preference for a group to which the person does not belong, also permeates intergroup relations. Several theories such as social identity theory, social dominance theory, and system justification theory offer explanations of the dynamics of intergroup relations and biases. Despite not strictly being a theory of intergroup relations, right-wing authoritarianism also offers an explanation of intergroup bias by accounting for prejudice and ethnocentrism. Likewise, ideological conservatism has been shown to influence intergroup relations. Based within these theories, this dissertation attempts to explain the social-psychological mechanisms regulating in- and outgroup favouritism. More specifically, Study I examines issues of power and legitimacy in relation to social perception and gender. Studies II and III examine the relationships between social psychological variables and affirmative action, which is aimed at diminishing inequalities between social groups. Together, the studies showed that gender plays a role in intergroup bias, both as an independent variable and as an object of social discrimination. Conservative ideologies predicted ingroup favouritism, but variably. Attitudes towards affirmative action were influenced by the way this issue is semantically framed. The results are discussed in relation to the theories of intergroup relations exposed above and the pertinent issue of attitude ambivalence in understanding outgroup favouritism.

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兩岸關係研究在開放政策的導引下，自過去以共黨體制與理論研究，轉為更務實的經濟和文化研究，兩岸社會和人民透過頻繁交流瞭解彼此，是目前兩岸關係的重要發展，其中一項趨勢即是大陸年輕學生能在台灣停留，並在一段不算短的時間內深入一般民間生活，這些所謂的「陸生」在來台停留4個月以上的時間內，除了在學校上課，騎單車環島、搭「台灣好行」、搭台鐵、坐公車等等方式，在台灣城市和鄉野間體驗與感受，一部分人更在選舉造勢場合，和激動的選民一起喊凍蒜凍蒜。 根據Allport以來學者對於接觸相關研究文獻的瞭解，群際之間的研究必須考慮接觸的內涵、接觸的過程以及制約接觸的條件等對接觸效果的影響。傳統「接觸假說」認為類似文化背景之群體可透過深度交流接觸達到真正理解溝通，消除群際偏見與隔閡，達到族群融合。 本論文即以上述理論為基礎探討兩岸年輕學子交流的樣態及效，透過量化的問卷與深度訪談，探索這個族群接觸內涵與過程，理解到所謂的「接觸」並不能僅限於「接觸的頻率和時間長短」，也不能僅奠基在語言文化具類似性的基礎上，就達到「接觸假說」所預設的「消除類屬」(de-categorization)或進一步「融合類屬」(re-categorization)。因為族群之間各成員心中存在著「自我類屬」(self-categorization)，想要消融彼此的界線，必須先探索成員對自我類屬的定義，此外還須考慮接觸環境上制度面的制約，從制度面的設計增加群際成員的接觸頻率，才能進一步減少成員的「群際偏見」(intergroup bias)及增進「群際情感」(intergroup emotion)。 / In the leading of open policy, the mainstream of cross-strait studies has shifted from Socialism and Communism to Economy and Culture. At the tide of exchange, Chinese exchange students studying in Taiwan are the most propriate targets to learn about, less sensitive and having deep contact with Taiwan society. According to the related studies like Allport’s, scholars should take the content, process, and constrait of contact into consideration while studying the relations between nation groups. Traditional “contact assumption” assumes groups sharing similar culture background will reach mutually understand through exchange in depth, deliminate bias and barriers between groups. This study has examed the impact of the frequency and time length, the language and culture similarity on contact, knowing that those conditions above are not the only factors to de-categorization or further re-categorization. The members of each group have bared self-categorization in mind. Eliminating intergroup bias and enhance intergroup emotion would play an important part of breaking down the walls between groups. Besides, the goal of institutional design is to make the contact more intensive and to avoid the false contact. The less attractions offered by media to the Chinese exchange students, the less political socialization they will have. So the policy design should be delicate enough to allow those students to take the advantages of curriculums、professors, and schools to reach the goal of social contact between the young generations of cross-strait.

In recent years, terrorism and radicalization has been a consistent issue that many countries have faced. The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has been the most recent in a long trail of organizations that have sought to strike terror against the western world. However, ISIS is distinguished from other groups, like Al-Qaeda, in that ISIS supports a complex propaganda machine. Although ISIS is not the first organization to use the social media platform, they are the first to use it with such diversity. The two main channels that ISIS uses to spread their propaganda messages are through social media sites such as Twitter and through online journals such as the Dabiq. Recent research has attempted to determine how recruitment messages are being received and which messages trigger recruitment. It is the goal of this paper to determine which messages are salient, and the psychological constructs that support them. By coding messages for appeals to identity, need for cognitive closure, time pressure, and appeals to ideology, the researchers expect that the two main channels of ISIS propaganda differ in their messages. We hypothesize that Twitter messages will be targeted towards novice ISIS sympathizers, whereas the Dabiq will be focused on already-radicalized individuals who have moved past the introduction of the radical ideology.