Skogsbruket har en lång historia i Sverige och kom under 1900-talet att hamna i en rad konflikter med intressegrupper som förespråkade skogens immateriella värden. Syftet med denna diskursanalys är att redogöra för de maktrelationer som var rådande under 1980-talets skogsbruk i Jokkmokks kommun. Undersökningen ämnar i första hand att lyfta de röster som under 1980- talets skogsbruk i Jokkmokks kommun tystades av de intressegrupper som prioriterade skogens materiella värden. Hur den koloniserade har agerat och reagerat kommer följaktligen att behandlas. Undersökningen påvisar att Jokkmokks kommun blev överexploaterad under 1980-talet vilket kom att skapa maktrelationer mellan skogens intressegrupper. Avverkningarna påverkade både rennäringen och den lokala befolkningen och 1980-talet går således att ses som en fortsatt postkolonial era där en kolonial diskurs är rådande. Undersökningen visar även att det fanns möjlighet att göra motstånd men att de röster som förespråkade skogens immateriella värden försummades. / Forestry has a long history in Sweden and came during the 20th century to end up in a series of conflicts with the interest groups advocating the immaterial values of the forest. The purpose of this discourse analysis is to describe the power relationships that were prevalent during the 1980s forestry in the municipality of Jokkmokk. This study primarily focuses on highlighting the voices during the 1980s forestry in the municipality of Jokkmokk who were silenced by groups that prioritize the material values of the forest. How the colonized have acted and reacted will also be discussed. This study shows that the municipality of Jokkmokk became overly exploited in the 1980s which came to create the power relationships between forest interest groups. Felling affected both reindeer herding and the local population and it is possible to speak of the 1980s as a continued post-colonial era where a colonial discourse is prevalent. The survey also shows that it was possible to resist but that the votes in favor of the forest's immaterial values were easily neglected.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze and question the government survey 1956:43 Zigenarfrågan based on the theory of internal colonialism. An important question for the study is to elucidate and gain an understanding of the factors that led to Roma inclusion in the compulsory school. This survey of the goverment investigation is necessary because the state management of the Roma had to start the investigation, that led to a number of difficulties for the community. The investigation put also a lot of demands on the roma society. The state wanted at all means to influence and change the group's way of life. Roma situation was now more and more conspicuously set to influence the Swedish society as a whole. State expressed concern about an increase in crime among the group, this led to the investigation begin. The essay will mainly concern the school issue in the investigation of Zigenarfrågan. There will also be a comparison made between investigation Zigenarfrågan and another government study conducted in 1957-1960. This study was designed to investigate the Sami school situation and was named Samernas skolgång 1960:410. The study will show how the state, hoping to assimilate the Roma in Swedish society, colonized roma minority by undermining the group's cultural characteristics in favor of the majority culture. The question I am hoping to answer in this study by analysing the governments survey Zigenarfrågan, is: How does the investigation Zigenarfrågan discribe the situation of Roma in Sweden, focusing on the school question? What problems are produced? What reasons are presented? What solutions are proposed? Is it possible to demonstrate a difference in treatment of roma in the comparison between investigations Zigenarfrågan and Samernas skolgång?

What role, if any, did colonialism play in the history of Europe? To answer this question, scholars have increasingly turned to European border regions. These regions, whose ownership was disputed and often unstable, are excellent case studies for patterns of quasi-colonial rule within the confines of Europe. Historians of Austria-Hungary, especially, have argued that colonialism was by no means limited to overseas territories, but pertained also to the European continent. The occupied territories of Bosnia-Herzegovina, a border region on the fringes of the collapsing Ottoman empire, is one example. This article applies the criteria of postcolonial scholars to another European border region: Alsace-Lorraine. In its constitutional, administrative, economic and cultural status, this Franco-German borderland exhibits many characteristics of quasi-colonial rule that also applied in Bosnia-Herzegovina. But there are also important differences. In extending the question of inner-European colonialism from Bosnia-Herzegovina to Alsace-Lorraine, this article reflects on the applicability of a post-colonial perspective onto European border regions more generally. Such a perspective, it will be shown, has its merits as well as its risks. The emerging differences between quasi-colonial border regions like Bosnia-Herzegovina and Alsace-Lorraine, and overseas territories, are a testimony to the complexity and dynamism of colonialism. It is important not to preclude European border regions from postcolonial discourse on account of their geography alone.

The focus in this dissertation is on the rise of secessionism and its curtailment in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Theories pertaining to centre-periphery relations, as well as right-sizing the state, are used for this purpose. Factors such as the DRC’s vast territory and colonial policies affected the centre-periphery relations after independence. The weak ties between the centre and the peripheries were important factors in the attempts at secession that followed independence. In addition, the political and administrative centre (Kinshasa) was too weak to keep the restive peripheries in check. International military intervention, thus, played an important role in defeating attempts at secession. The strategies of President Mobutu in strengthening the centre, as well as the lack of secessionism in the DRC after the collapse of the centre towards the end of Mobutu’s presidency, receive attention. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)