La sécurité des technologies de l'information, de la communication (TIC) et la question de la cybercriminalité ont été préoccupantes pendant un certain temps. Ce n'est que dans le passé récent, que les gouvernements ont commencé à comprendre l'importance de la sécurité des TIC. La criminalité informatique, comme toute forme de criminalité, est difficile à chiffrer, la cybercriminalité pourrait constituer la forme de comportement criminel la moins déclarée puisque la victime ignore souvent qu’une infraction a même eu lieu. De plus l'insuffisance des solutions de cybersécurité ainsi que l'absence d'une compréhension commune font des difficultés juridiques à l'échelle nationale et internationale. Il est incertain que les normes du droit-commun, notamment celles du droit pénal, soient suffisantes, d’une part pour couvrir les besoins d’une politique pénale efficace et, d’autre part, la nécessité d’affronter la diversité des crimes et l’évolution continuelle de leurs moyens. L'Irak, comme certains pays, a subi des infractions des systèmes d'information. Mais comment l’Irak peut-il faire face aux questions de la cybercriminalité ? Les lois traditionnelles sont-elles suffisantes pour encadrer la cybersécurité? L’Irak a-t-il besoin de règles juridiques nouvelles ? À cet égard, l’apport du droit international s’avère important pour la lutte contre la cybercriminalité. Les conventions internationales en matière de cyber sécurité ainsi que la législation des pays pionniers dans ce domaine peuvent inspirer le législateur irakien. L’intérêt de ce sujet de recherche vise, à la lumière du droit international, à proposer une protection juridique efficace et de développer le cadre juridique irakien de la cybersécurité. / The security of information and communication technologies (ICT) and the issue of cybercrime has been a concern for some time. It is only in the recent past that governments have begun to understand the importance of ICT security. Computer crime, like any form of crime, is hard to quantify, and cybercrime may be the least reported form of criminal behavior since the victim often does not know that an offense has even occurred. In addition, the lack of cybersecurity solutions and the lack of common understanding make legal difficulties both nationally and internationally. It is doubtful that common law standards, including those of the criminal law, are sufficient, on the one hand to cover the needs of an effective criminal policy and, on the other hand, the need to deal with the diversity of crimes and the continual evolution of their means. Iraq, like some countries, has suffered information system breaches. But how can Iraq cope with the issues of cybercrime? Are traditional laws sufficient to frame cybersecurity? Does Iraq need new legal rules? In this respect, the contribution of international law is important for the fight against cybercrime. International cyber security conventions and pioneer legislation in this area can inspire the Iraqi legislator. The purpose of this research topic is, in the light of international law, to provide effective legal protection and to develop Iraq's legal framework for cybersecurity.

Orientadora: Karina Lilia Pasquariello Mariano / Banca: Suzeley Kalil Mathias / Banca: Regiane Nitsch Bressan / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: As relações entre Brasil e Colômbia focam-se em fortalecer os processos de integração regional, a partir de medidas voltadas para aumentar a cooperação entre os dois países e fortalecer os vínculos entre eles em razão de sua proximidade. Os temas relacionados com a cooperação em seguridade, incremento do comércio e da atração de investimento internacional, assuntos fronteiriços, indústrias aeronáuticas, cooperação policial, em pesquisa e educação, assistência técnica, bioenergia e biocombustíveis são partes fundamentais da agenda bilateral permitindo a consolidação de alianças entre os dois países. Com este estudo busca-se caracterizar os mecanismos e instrumentos de cooperação internacional em Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação (CT+I) desenvolvidos entre as instituições de pesquisa e desenvolvimento do Brasil e da Colômbia durante os governos do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2006/2007-2010), com o fim de analisar as relações binacionais e estabelecer como a política exterior da Colômbia influenciou na cooperação internacional em CT+I com Brasil. / Abstract: Relationships between Brazil and Colombia have focused on strengthening the processes of regional integration through decisions aimed to increase the cooperation between the two countries and strengthen their links due to its vicinity. Issues related to security cooperation, increase in trade and investment, border issues, aeronautical industries, police cooperation in education and research, technical assistance, bioenergy and biofuels have been fundamental parts of the bilateral agenda allowing the consolidation of alliances between the two countries. The objective of this work is to characterize the mechanisms and instruments of the international cooperation in science, technology and innovation (CT+I) implemented between the Brazilian and Colombian research and development institutions during the government of president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2006/2007-2010) in order to analyze the bilateral relations and establish how Colombian external policies implemented on the study period influenced the international cooperation in CT+I with Brazil. / Resumen: Las relaciones entre Brasil y Colombia se han enfocado en fortalecer los procesos de integración regional, a partir de medidas encaminadas a aumentar la cooperación entre los dos países y fortalecer sus vínculos en razón a su vecindad. Temas relacionados con la cooperación en seguridad, incremento del comercio y la inversión, asuntos fronterizos, industrias aeronáuticas, cooperación policial, en investigación y en educación, asistencia técnica, bioenergía y biocombustibles han hecho parte fundamental de la agenda bilateral permitiendo la consolidación de alianzas entre los dos países. El objetivo de este trabajo es caracterizar los mecanismos e instrumentos de cooperación internacional en ciencia, tecnología e innovación (CT+I), implementados entre las instituciones de investigación y desarrollo de Brasil y Colombia durante los gobiernos del presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2006/2007-2010), con el fin analizar las relaciones binacionales y establecer como la política exterior de Colombia implementada en el período de estudio influencio la cooperación internacional en CT+I con Brasil. / Mestre

Este trabalho busca estudar a alocação da assistência oficial para o desenvolvimento (ODA) do Japão no período de 1961 a 2015. A Agência de Cooperação Internacional Japonesa (JICA) tem apontado como motivações da ajuda externa o desenvolvimento econômico e a redução da pobreza em países menos desenvolvidos. A literatura em Relações Internacionais, no entanto, enxerga com ceticismo que os valores humanitários sejam, por si só, determinantes do nível de generosidade do doador, apontando para a importância de elementos domésticos, de fatores normativos internacionais e de considerações político-estratégicas na explicação dos programas de ajuda. Utilizando análise regressiva, esta pesquisa buscará evidências empíricas da importância relativa de diferentes variáveis explicativas da ajuda externa japonesa. Os resultados mostram que os interesses econômicos e político-estratégicos exercem maior influência sobre o programa de assistência do Japão que o nível de pobreza ou o regime democrático nos países beneficiários. Nossas estimativas indicam, ainda, que o Japão tende a concentrar a ajuda em países em desenvolvimento de renda relativamente mais alta, menos populosos e com menores índices de corrupção. / The purpose of this research is to study Japan\'s official development assistance (ODA) between 1961 and 2015. Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) has cited economic development and poverty reduction in less-developed countries as reasons for providing external aid. However, literature on International Relations is skeptical of humanitarian motives being, on their own, the determinants of donor\'s level of generosity, pointing out the influence of domestic aspects, international statutes, and political and strategical considerations on explaining aid programs. By using regressive analysis, this research will look for empirical evidence of the relative significance of different variables that explain Japanese external aid. The results show that economic and political-strategic interests exert more influence over Japan\'s assistance program than the level of poverty or democratic regime in the beneficiary countries. Our estimates also show that Japan tends to focus aid on relatively higher income developing countries, less populous countries and countries with lower levels of corruption.

Este trabalho busca estudar a alocação da assistência oficial para o desenvolvimento (ODA) do Japão no período de 1961 a 2015. A Agência de Cooperação Internacional Japonesa (JICA) tem apontado como motivações da ajuda externa o desenvolvimento econômico e a redução da pobreza em países menos desenvolvidos. A literatura em Relações Internacionais, no entanto, enxerga com ceticismo que os valores humanitários sejam, por si só, determinantes do nível de generosidade do doador, apontando para a importância de elementos domésticos, de fatores normativos internacionais e de considerações político-estratégicas na explicação dos programas de ajuda. Utilizando análise regressiva, esta pesquisa buscará evidências empíricas da importância relativa de diferentes variáveis explicativas da ajuda externa japonesa. Os resultados mostram que os interesses econômicos e político-estratégicos exercem maior influência sobre o programa de assistência do Japão que o nível de pobreza ou o regime democrático nos países beneficiários. Nossas estimativas indicam, ainda, que o Japão tende a concentrar a ajuda em países em desenvolvimento de renda relativamente mais alta, menos populosos e com menores índices de corrupção. / The purpose of this research is to study Japan\'s official development assistance (ODA) between 1961 and 2015. Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) has cited economic development and poverty reduction in less-developed countries as reasons for providing external aid. However, literature on International Relations is skeptical of humanitarian motives being, on their own, the determinants of donor\'s level of generosity, pointing out the influence of domestic aspects, international statutes, and political and strategical considerations on explaining aid programs. By using regressive analysis, this research will look for empirical evidence of the relative significance of different variables that explain Japanese external aid. The results show that economic and political-strategic interests exert more influence over Japan\'s assistance program than the level of poverty or democratic regime in the beneficiary countries. Our estimates also show that Japan tends to focus aid on relatively higher income developing countries, less populous countries and countries with lower levels of corruption.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-11-17T11:23:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Everton De Almeida Silva.pdf: 1610325 bytes, checksum: 704ed0a2833dc3c77f0d278d99e8f91a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-17T11:23:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Everton De Almeida Silva.pdf: 1610325 bytes, checksum: 704ed0a2833dc3c77f0d278d99e8f91a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-19 / This study aims to analyze the hegemonic position of Germany against the European Union, examining, from a historical perspective, the process of economic and monetary integration of the continent, highlighting the bargaining process among its Member States and the power relations, which precede the constitution of the European Union. Primordially, the economic relations among the States and the circumstances that led European States to pursue the international cooperation, in order to build an international regime, will be analyzed, considering whether such an arrangement resulted asymmetrical / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a posição hegemônica da Alemanha frente à União Europeia, examinando, a partir de uma perspectiva histórica, o processo de integração econômica e monetária do continente, ressaltando os processos de barganha entre seus Estados Membros, bem como as relações de poder que antecederam a constituição da União Europeia. Primordialmente, serão analisadas as relações econômicas entre os Estados e as circunstâncias que levaram os Estados europeus à apoiarem-se na cooperação internacional, no sentido de construírem um regime internacional, ponderando se tal regime resultou assimétrico

O estudo das relações entre cooperação internacional universitária e a produção e compartilhamento de conhecimento entre universidades da América Latina nos possibilita compreender o contexto das discussões e teorias sobre ensino superior contemporâneo. Com isso, o objetivo desta tese é analisar os fatores que contribuem para a relevância do programa de Cátedras Unesco em universidades da América Latina, proposto pela Unesco como um agente de fomento à cooperação internacional universitária com vistas a promover o progresso e o intercâmbio do conhecimento em países em desenvolvimento. Esta pesquisa tem como base o referencial teórico dos Estudos sobre Ensino Superior e Cooperação Internacional na América Latina existente na literatura, para compreender a natureza, o objeto, a estrutura e a dinâmica que se aplica ao programa Unitwin de Cátedras Unesco. Quanto ao tratamento metodológico, combinaram-se a análise documental e a pesquisa qualitativa, com entrevistas a dirigentes de Cátedras. Em primeiro lugar buscamos o referencial teórico da origem da Unesco, e as teorias e os modelos de cooperação internacional em organismos acadêmicos na América Latina. Na pesquisa qualitativa, foram analisados os indicadores de geração e compartilhamento de conhecimento entre as universidades em onde existem Cátedras na América Latina. Aplicou-se um questionário e foram feitas entrevistas com gestores das Cátedras nas universidades e na Unesco. Algumas instituições que possuem Cátedras e a Unesco foram visitadas. Os relatos foram analisados a partir do referencial teórico e os resultados deste estudo foram de grande valia para compreensão da influência dos grupos de pesquisa na produção do conhecimento este o elemento central de cooperação, e a influência de um organismo externo exercida sobre uma instituição altamente auto-referenciada como é o caso da universidade. Também pudemos constatar que a Instituição de Ensino Superior é um espaço primordial na formação de redes de produção e difusão de conhecimento na América Latina, e, portanto, um agente no processo de inovação tecnológica e social no mundo contemporâneo. / The study of relationships between international university cooperation and the production and sharing of knowledge among Latin American universities allows us to understand the context of discussions and theories on the contemporary higher education system. Thus, the objective of this dissertation consists of analyzing the factors that contribute towards the importance of the UNESCO Chairs Program in Latin American universities, proposed by UNESCO as an agent for fostering international university cooperation aiming at promoting cultural development and exchange in emerging countries. This research is based on a theoretical referential of Studies on Higher Education and International Cooperation in Latin America found in literature, aimed at understanding the nature, object, structure and dynamics applied to the UNITWIN Program of UNESCO Chairs. As regards the methodological treatment, we combined our documentary analysis and qualitative research with our interviews conducted with chair holders. First we searched for the theoretical referential of UNESCOs origin and the theories and models of international cooperation in Latin American universities. As regards the qualitative research, we analyzed the indicators that create and share knowledge among the universities where there are Chairs in Latin America. We administered a questionnaire and interviewed chair holders both at universities and UNESCO. We visited UNESCO as well as some universities with Chairs. We analyzed the reports based on the theoretical referential, and the results of the study greatly contributed to understanding the influence of research groups in producing knowledge, which is the key element of cooperation and represents the influence wielded by an outside organization on a highly self-referenced institution like the university. We also observed another result, namely that higher education institutions have a crucial role in forming networks designed to produce and disseminate knowledge in Latin America, thus, taking on the role of agents in the process of social and technological innovation in our contemporary world.

La Chine, avec sa forte volonté de devenir une puissance mondiale, a connu beaucoup de succès en matière d’activités spatiales et est toujours en train de développer son secteur spatial. Elle est à ce jour considérée comme une puissance spatiale par les autres pays après son premier vol spatial habité en 2003. Aujourd’hui, la Chine dispose de plusieurs séries de satellites, propose des services de lancements sur le marché international, et procède à l’exploration de l’espace extra-atmosphérique par le programme d’exploration de la Lune. Malgré tous les succès chinois, des problèmes existent quant à l’administration et à la législation en la matière.Nonobstant les changements de directeurs et des politiques générales du pays, la politique spatiale reste assez cohérente. Le système administratif pour mettre en oeuvre la politique spatiale chinoise et pour entreprendre les programmes spatiaux est assez complexe et manque de cohérence. Malgré les défauts du système, la politique spatiale chinoise est quand même bien mise en oeuvre à l’échelle nationale par les institutions administratives parce qu’à ce jour, les activités spatiales chinoises sont exercées quasi-totalement par le gouvernement. A l’échelle internationale, la Chine, désirant devenir puissance spatiale et ensuite puissance mondiale, participe alors activement au sein des organisations internationales compétentes en matière spatiale et développe des coopérations bilatérales avec les autres pays ou régions, ce qui a bien mis en oeuvre la politique spatiale de coopération.En matière de la législation pour les activités spatiales, la Chine est assez en retard. Seuls deux documents juridiques valables à l’échelle nationale sont adoptés à ce jour pour réglementer le secteur spatial. Une loi spatiale exhaustive est nécessaire pour répondre aux besoins du développement des activités spatiales et de coopérations et à la tendance mondiale de privatiser commercialiser le secteur, et remplir les obligations internationales de la Chine parce qu’elle a signé quatre traités spatiaux parmi les cinq qui servent de base du droit international de l’espace. Hormis les principes internationaux sur la responsabilité de l’Etat posés par les traités onusiens, il y a également d’autres aspects juridiques qui peuvent être intégrés dans une loi nationale spatiale. Des propositions sont faites après avoir étudié les lois nationales des autres pays pour élaborer une loi spatiale chinoise : mettre en place une autorité administrative durable avec les compétences bien définies pour réglementer les opérations spatiales chinoises ; définir des termes importants; déterminer le partage de responsabilité encas de dommages causés par les activités spatiales et les critères financiers pour ceux qui désirent entreprendre des activités spatiales ; fixer et préciser les sanctions ; améliorer le système d’immatriculation des objets spatiaux ; intégrer un régime de réparation pour les dommages causés par les activités spatiales.La Chine a mis l’accent sur les activités spatiales « utiles », à savoir les activités pouvant contribuer directement à l’amélioration de la vie du peuple ou à d’autres domaines de la société. Les applications spatiales sont alors particulièrement importantes pour la Chine, notamment les télécommunications par satellites. Après l’adhésion de la Chine à l’OMC, le marché chinois des télécommunications est en train de s’ouvrir vers le reste du monde. Néanmoins, la Chine n’a pas encore adopté une loi exhaustive sur les télécommunications, même si plusieurs règlements ont été mis en place pour réglementer ce domaine, tout en intégrant les dispositions de l’UIT. La législation chinoise pour les autres domaines d’applications spatiales, telles que la télédétection, la navigation par satellites et la télévision par satellites, est également en retard, particulièrement parce que ces applications sont largement contrôlées par le gouvernement. En matière de télédétection, il n’est pas nécessaire pour la Chine d’élaborer des règles juridique. Concernant la navigation satellitaire, il n’y a pas de régime juridique international. La Chine est en train de développer son propre système Bei Dou de navigation par satellites, une politique chinoise en la matière est nécessaire pour le développement du système et la commercialisation des services. De plus, il vaut mieux que les règles en matière de contrats soient perfectionnées pour répondre aux spécificités de services de navigation satellitaire. Les règles chinoises en matière de télévision par satellite limitent strictement la liberté d’information, mais quelques catégories de contenus généralement interdites par les Etats avancés en matière législative ne sont pas limitées, à savoir les contenus sur le génocide, l’apartheid, la propagande, et la protection spéciale des mineurs et des femmes. Il est conseillé d’ajouter des règles interdisant ces contenus dans la loi chinoise et de modifier peu à peu les règles déjà pour que le peuple chinois puisse bénéficier d’une plus grande liberté d’information. / China, with its strong desire to become a world power, has been very successful in terms of space activities and is always trying to develop its space industry. It is considered as a space power by other countries after its manned flight in 2003. Today, China owns several series of satellites, provides launch services on the international market, and has begun its activities in the field of space exploration by the lunar exploration program. Despite all the successes of China, there are problems with the administration and legislation in this area.Notwithstanding changes in directors and in general policies of the country, the Chinese space policy has remained relatively consistent. But the Chinese administrative system to implement the space policy and to undertake the space programs is rather complex and lacks coherence. Despite the shortcomings of the administrative system, the Chinese space policy has still been well implemented nationally by the space institutions because today, China’s space activities are carried out almost entirely by the government. Internationally, China, willing to become a space power and then a world power, has been participating in relevant international organizations and developing bilateral cooperation with other countries or regions.In terms of legislation on space activities, China has fallen behind the other space powers. Only two legal documents have been adopted so far to regulate the Chinese space sector. A comprehensive space law is necessary to meet the needs for development of space activities and cooperation, for global trend to privatize the sector, and for fulfilling the international obligations of China since it has signed four of the five space treaties that formed the basis of international space law. Apart from the international principles on state responsibility and liability raised by the UN treaties, other legal aspects can also be integrated into a national space law. Proposals for developing a comprehensive Chinese space law are made after considering the national laws of other countries: to establish a sustainable administrative authority with clearly defined powers to regulation China’s space operations, to define key terms, to determine the allocation of liability in case of damage caused by space activities and financial criteria for those who wish to undertake space activities, to establish a penalty system, to improve the registration system of space objects, and to integrate a redress system for damage caused by space activities.

Based on the case study of the mediation of the Polish-Lithuanian dispute from 1920 to 1923, this dissertation explores the League of Nations' emergence as an agency of modern territorial and ethnic conflict resolution. It argues that in many respects, this organization departed from prewar traditional diplomacy to establish a new, broader concept of security. At first the league tried simply to contain the Polish-Lithuanian conflict by appointing a Military Commission to assist these nations in fixing a final border. But the occupation of Vilna by Polish troops in October 1920 exacerbated Polish-Lithuanian relations, turning the initial border dispute into an ideological conflict over the ethnically mixed region of Vilna, claimed by the Poles on ethnic grounds while the Lithuanians considered it the historical capital of the modern Lithuanian state. The occupation spurred the league to greater involvement via administration of a plebiscite to decide the fate of the disputed territories. When this strategy failed, Geneva resorted to negotiating the so-called Hymans Plan, which aimed to create a Lithuanian federal state and establish political and economic cooperation between Poland and Lithuania. This analysis of the league's mediation of this dispute walks the reader through the league's organization of the first international peacekeeping operation, its handling of the challenges of open diplomacy, and its efforts to fulfill its ambitious mandate not just to prevent war but also to uproot its socioeconomic and ethnic causes. The Hymans Plan reflected this ambition as well as commitment to reconciling the tenets of balance of power and territorial status quo with the principle of self-determination and minorities' protection when drawing new boundaries and creating new states.

For much of history, multinational wars have been the norm rather than the exception. Yet the study of these wars has been largely ignored. Existing scholarship on wartime alliances focuses almost exclusively on the causes of alignment or the onset of conflict ignoring the conduct and consequences of these arrangements. Wartime partnerships exhibit enormous variation in their structure, however. What accounts for the varied multinational security arrangements states adopt in wartime? I argue that the choices states make in constructing these wartime partnerships have important consequences for both the conduct and outcome of conflicts. Following the institutional design literature, I argue that these differences are purposeful and originate from the rational calculations and strategic interactions among the actors creating them. I focus on one design feature of multinational military structures in particular, that of command and control (C2). The enormous variation visible in multinational command and control structures in wartime begs two questions: First, why do states adopt different command and control structures? Second, what drives actors to abandon one structure in favor of another? To answer these questions, I develop a theory of failure-driven change. Because conventional wisdom suggests that greater cooperation is beneficial, yielding gains for all, the puzzle naturally arises as to why all wartime partnerships don’t start out in the tightest configuration possible, that of unified command. After all, the benefits of greater wartime integration are seemingly vast; from the reduction of uncertainty and transaction costs to the conferral of legitimacy, tightly integrated arrangements confer distinct advantages. Despite the many benefits wartime integration confers, however, I argue states are reluctant to adopt unified command for fear of having to surrender operational control over their military forces. Yet even a cursory examination of wartime multinational partnerships reveals that states do sometimes enter into more integrated command relationships, leading to the (second) question of what motivates them to do so. Here, I argue that one factor in particular, that of battlefield performance, leads states to abandon their intrinsic reluctance toward unity of command. Specifically, I argue that when faced with military defeat on the battlefield, states often respond by experimenting with new command and control arrangements. The learning process is often tentative and slow yet over time leads to greater integration. Additionally, I argue that greater integration in multinational command and control structures is correlated with improved military performance. In short, failure leads to adaptation which then leads to success. To test my theory of institutional learning, I employ comparative historical analysis, specifically process tracing and the congruence method. The universe of cases consisted of all multinational wars since 1816, some 38 conflicts. However, because a number of these cases featured multinational parties on both sides, this yielded a total of 43 cases. Three cases were chosen on the basis of representativeness and variation on the dimensions of theoretical interest. The cases examined were the Entente and Central Powers in World War I and the UN coalition in the Korean War. Overall, the cases provide strong support for my theory of wartime learning. The findings suggest that failure is a key determinant of wartime integration.

As agendas de pesquisa em relações internacionais que se dedicam aos recursos hídricos compartilhados entre Estados aplicam a lógica econômica de que quanto mais escasso o recurso maior a competição por ele. Essa lógica leva à conclusão de que a escassez da água conduzirá os Estados a um ambiente de competição cujo fim inevitável é o conflito violento. No entanto, essa tendência não se confirma na realidade por conta da proliferação, sem precedentes, de tratados internacionais sobre água compartilhada e mecanismos institucionais de gestão compartilhada em muitas bacias hidrográficas no mundo. O presente estudo inferiu a existência de um mecanismo causal com base na interdependência física existente entre os Estados na bacia hidrográfica e o testou empiricamente nos casos da bacia do rio Jordão e Colorado/Grande por meio do método de process tracing. Os testes empíricos identificaram a grande relevância da interdependência física para os Estados que compartilham a água a tal ponto de iniciarem processos de cooperação mais ou menos institucionalizados que geraram um ambiente mais estável politicamente. Com isso, conclui-se a relevância da interdependência física como condição minimamente suficiente para conduzir os Estados ribeirinhos a processos de cooperação, embora não se exclua a possibilidade de conflitos violentos / Research agendas in international relations that are devoted to shared water resources between states apply economic logic that the more scarce the resource the more will be the competition for it. This logic makes research agendas to conclude that water scarcity will lead states to a competitive environment which the inevitable end is the violent conflict. However, this trend is not confirmed in reality due to the unprecedented proliferation of international treaties on shared water and institutional mechanisms for joint management in many river basins around the world.This study inferred the existence of a causal mechanism based on existing physical interdependence among states in the watershed and tested it empirically in the cases of Jordan and Colorado/Grande river basins by the method of process tracing. Empirical tests have identified the great relevance of physical interdependence among states that share the water to the point of starting more or less institutionalized cooperation processes that generated a more politically stable environment. Therefore, concludes the relevance of physical interdependence as a minimal sufficient condition that drive the riparian states to cooperation processes, although it does not exclude the possibility of violent conflicts