Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

La présente étude porte sur l’expérience pénale de jeunes femmes ayant porté plainte ou témoigné contre un proxénète. En effectuant notre recherche, notre intention était de comprendre le vécu de ces jeunes femmes lors de leur relation avec le proxénète ainsi que de mieux saisir leurs motivations et attentes en recourant au système pénal. Nous avions également pour objectif de cerner les effets de leur expérience judiciaire sur leur vie en général. Afin de recueillir le point de vue des jeunes femmes et de rendre compte du sens qu’elles donnent à leur expérience au sein du processus pénal, nous avons effectué dix entretiens à tendance non-directive avec des jeunes femmes ayant fait cette expérience. L’analyse montre, dans un premier temps, qu’une fragilité émotionnelle conjuguée à une situation financière précaire constituent un facteur de risque de tomber sous l’emprise d’un proxénète. Malgré la présence d’une vulnérabilité les prédisposant à s’investir dans une relation d’abus, une majorité de jeunes femmes démontrent une ouverture face au monde prostitutionnel avant de faire la connaissance d’un proxénète. L’entrée dans le domaine de la prostitution ne peut donc être uniquement attribuable à l’influence d’un proxénète et constitue plutôt le corollaire d’un amalgame de facteurs. Au début de la relation, la manipulation du proxénète vise essentiellement à renforcer un intérêt à se prostituer déjà présent chez plusieurs jeunes femmes. Dans le cas de celles qui n’ont jamais envisagé de s’adonner à des activités de prostitution, c’est une dépendance affective préexistante qui les amènera à se laisser convaincre de s’engager dans cette avenue. Que la nature de la relation avec le proxénète soit professionnelle ou amoureuse, toutes les jeunes femmes que nous avons rencontrées sont rapidement confrontées à des stratégies de manipulation et font les frais de manifestations de violence visant à les assujettir. L’amorce d’une prise de conscience de la situation d’abus qui leur est imposée constitue l’élément-clé qui les amène à prendre la décision de quitter leur proxénète et à accepter de coopérer avec les policiers. Celles qui entretiennent une relation de travail avec le proxénète amorceront cette réflexion avant celles en relation de couple. Ce constat s’explique par l’amour que celles qui se considèrent en relation de couple ressentent à l’égard du proxénète qui, non seulement les rend plus vulnérables à sa manipulation, mais freine également toute tentative d’autonomisation face à lui. Le recours à l’aide des policiers ne va pas de soi pour toutes les jeunes femmes sous le joug d’un proxénète. Bien que l’influence d’une personne bienveillante joue souvent un rôle significatif sur leur décision de porter plainte, le choix de collaborer avec les intervenants judiciaires découle essentiellement de leur propre réflexion psychologique vis-à-vis de leur situation. En portant plainte, elles souhaitent généralement être délivrées de l’emprise du proxénète et être protégées par le système pénal afin d’avoir le temps nécessaire pour prendre des décisions quant à la réorganisation de leur vie. Pendant les procédures judiciaires, les jeunes femmes se disent pour la plupart anxieuses à l’idée de rendre témoignage. Leurs appréhensions sont essentiellement liées à la crainte de revoir le proxénète ainsi qu’à la peur de ne pas être crue par le juge. Les principales motivations qui poussent les interviewées à maintenir leur plainte sont le désir de démontrer au proxénète qu’il n’a plus d’emprise sur elles et de mettre un terme à cette expérience de vie. La représentation qu’elles se font du traitement reçu dans le cadre des procédures pénales est généralement positive pour peu que l’attitude des intervenants judiciaires à leur endroit ait été empreinte d’empathie et qu’elles aient été impliquées dans le dossier. Ainsi, qu’elles aient initié ou pas la démarche pénale, les jeunes femmes qui se sentent soutenues par les policiers et les intervenants judiciaires seront plus enclines à maintenir leur plainte jusqu’à la fin des procédures pénales. Suite à leur relation avec le proxénète, les jeunes femmes sont aux prises avec de multiples conséquences qui affectent différentes sphères de leur vie. Malgré leurs nombreuses séquelles psychologiques, physiques et sociales, peu sont celles qui s’impliquent jusqu'au bout d’une démarche thérapeutique. Plusieurs estiment ne pas être prêtes à se lancer dans une telle démarche, alors que d’autres ont l’impression que personne ne peut réellement les aider et préfèrent s’en remettre à leur résilience ou utiliser des moyens alternatifs pour passer au travers de cette épreuve de vie. Les jeunes femmes qui reçoivent l’aide de leurs proches et/ou d’organismes professionnels sont celles qui perçoivent le plus rapidement les effets bénéfiques de leur implication pénale. Il ressort de notre analyse que l’expérience pénale vient renforcer une autonomisation déjà amorcée par la jeune femme lors de la rupture avec le proxénète. Les impacts de l’implication pénale sont doubles : elle permet aux jeunes femmes d’augmenter l’estime qu’elles ont d’elles-mêmes, et de couper définitivement tous contacts avec le souteneur. Le système pénal comporte cependant des limites puisqu’il n’a aucun effet sur le contexte de vie des jeunes femmes et, par le fait même, sur leurs activités prostitutionnelles. Ainsi, bon nombre de jeunes femmes retournent dans leur milieu d’origine après la démarche pénale et doivent continuer à composer avec les conditions associées à leur mode de vie antérieur. Qui plus est, l’effet déstabilisant lié à l’expérience pénale a pour conséquence de retarder leur rétablissement psychologique et la réorganisation de leur existence. Celles qui arrivent à réorienter le plus rapidement leur vie sont les jeunes femmes qui reçoivent le soutien de leurs proches ainsi que celles qui n’entretenaient pas de relation amoureuse avec le proxénète. Mots-clés : proxénétisme, prostitution, système pénal, empowerment, stigmatisation. / The present study focuses on the experiences of the criminal justice system by a number of young women, all of whom have pressed charges or testified against a pimp. In carrying out our research, our objective was to understand the experiences of these young women during their relationship with the pimp, as well as gaining a better insight into their reasons and expectations when they turned to the criminal justice system. We also aimed to identify the effects such judicial experiences have had on their lives in general. In order to gather the young women’s perspectives and faithfully report the meaning they attribute to their experiences of criminal procedure, we carried out ten non-directive interviews with young women who had been through such an experience. First of all, our analysis shows that emotional fragility combined with a precarious financial situation constitute a risk factor of falling under the control of a pimp. Despite an existing vulnerability predisposing these women to become involved in an abusive relationship, the majority of such young women demonstrate an open-minded approach to the world of prostitution prior to meeting a pimp. Thus, their entrance into prostitution cannot be solely attributed to the influence of a pimp and seems rather to be the outcome of a combination of factors. At the beginning of the relationship, the pimp’s manipulation essentially aims to reinforce this interest in prostitution already present in several of the young women. In the case of those women who had never envisaged engaging in prostitution, a pre-existing affective dependence could lead them to be persuaded to follow this path. Whether the relationship with the pimp is professional or romantic, all the young women we met were quickly confronted with strategies of manipulation and were exposed to displays of violence aimed at subjugating them. The initial realisation of the abusive situation to which they are being subjected constitutes the key factor leading them to make the decision to leave their pimp and agree to cooperate with the police. Those who had a professional relationship with their pimp came to this decision before those in a romantic relationship with the pimp. This observation can be explained by the love which those who considered themselves to be in a romantic relationship felt for their pimp, which not only made them more vulnerable to his manipulation but also slowed all attempts to empower themselves against him. Turning to the police for help is not an obvious choice for all young women under a pimp’s control. While the influence of a caring person often plays a significant role in their decision to press charges, the decision to cooperate with criminal justice officials usually arises from their own psychological reflection concerning their situation. By pressing charges, they generally hope to get away from their pimp’s control and be protected by the legal system, giving them the necessary time to make decisions to turn their lives around. During the judicial procedure, most of these young women say they are anxious at the idea of testifying. Their apprehension is essentially linked with the fear of seeing the pimp again, along with fear of not being believed by the judge. The main reasons motivating interviewees to maintain their charges are the desire to show the pimp he no longer has any control over them and also to end this episode of their life. Their representations of the treatment they received during the criminal justice procedure are generally positive if legal officials have shown empathy towards them and if the women have been encouraged to be involved in the legal case. Thus, whether the women initiated the legal procedure themselves or not, those who feel supported by the police and criminal justice officials are more likely to maintain charges to the end of the legal procedure. Following their relationship with the pimp, the young women struggle with many consequences which affect different areas of their lives. Despite numerous psychological, physical and social repercussions, only a small minority ever follow through with a full course of therapy. Many feel they are not ready to undertake such measures, while others feel that nobody can really help them and prefer to rely on their own resilience or use alternative methods to get past this difficult experience. Those young women who receive help from their friends and family or professional organisations more rapidly perceive the beneficial effects of their involvement with the legal system. Our analysis finds that the experience of the legal system serves to reinforce a process of empowerment already initiated by a young woman when her relationship with her pimp ended. The impacts of the young women’s judicial involvement are twofold: it allows them to improve their self-esteem while also permanently cutting all contact with the pimp. However, the criminal justice system does have limits, as the experience has no impact on the young women’s life context nor, by this very fact, on their involvement in prostitution. Consequently, many young women return to their original environments once the criminal procedure is over and continue to face the conditions associated with their previous lifestyle. Moreover, the destabilizing effect associated with the judicial experience causes their psychological recovery and reorganisation of their lives to be delayed. Those who do manage to turn their lives around the fastest are those who receive support from people close to them and also those who were not in a romantic relationship with their pimp. Key words: pimping, prostitution, criminal justice system, empowerment, stigmatisation.

The objectives of this thesis were to observe how the Canadian youth justice system has dealt with the regulation of the transfer of young offenders to the adult court and how the Canadian statutes have regulated the imposition of adult offences for young offenders. For this, I drew a distinction between two levels of observation: first, I observed the process of "creation of statutes" by the political system. Second, I observed the process of "understanding and interpretation of statutes" by the judicial system. The notion of "political system" includes the legislation enacted by Parliament, parliamentary debates, and reports published by the Government of Canada. The notion of "judicial system" includes the decisions of the Montreal Youth Court. For the first level of observation ("creation of statutes"), I observed and analyzed the work of the political system for the period 1842 to 2012. Starting in 1857, many statutes regulated different aspects of the criminal law system as it applied to young people. The first statute to deal with youth offenders comprehensively and different from adult offenders was the Juvenile Delinquents Act (1908); this statute was replaced by the Young Offenders Act (1982). The current statute is the Youth Criminal Justice Act (2002). With regard to the Juvenile Delinquents Act (1908) and the Young Offenders Act (1982), I observed how the political system regulated the mechanism of transferring a young person to the adult court. This mechanism allowed the youth court to decide a question of jurisdiction: whether the young person would be processed and sentenced within the youth justice system, or whether the young person would be sent to the adult court for him to be dealt with and sentenced therein. With regard to the Youth Criminal Justice Act (2002), I observed how the political system has regulated the imposition of adult sentences by the youth court. This statute replaced the mechanism of transfer under the two previous statutes by the imposition of adult sentences within the youth justice system. For the second level of observation ("the understanding and interpretation of statutes"), I observed how the Montreal Youth Court had understood and interpreted the statutory provision that allowed the youth court to transfer a young person to the adult court for the young person to be dealt with and sentenced therein. My period of observation is from 1911 to 1995. I argue that both the political and the judicial systems have been strongly influenced by the theories of deterrence, denunciation, retribution, and rehabilitation. The influence that each theory has exercised on each system varies. The political system, originally focused on the rehabilitation of young people, has been slowly “contaminated” by the most punitive theories, such as deterrence and denunciation. This shift started in the 70’s and slowly increased over the years. Conversely, while the judicial system does not seem to have been originally influenced by the theories of rehabilitation, its focus has slowly shifted towards this objective as the primary goal of their intervention towards young offenders since the 70’s. However, the “successful rehabilitation” of a young person has become a goal in itself, where “unsuccessful offenders” have been transferred to the adult court and dealt with the adult punitive justice system.

This research project comprises a stage play Section 24 of the Criminal Code, and accompanying exegesis, which focuses upon the experience of a woman accessing the Criminal Justice system after she is raped. The play is in the verbatim model and draws upon court transcript, which is deconstructed to reveal the workings of Defence counsel 'storylines' and meta-narratives of gender, sexual availability and power. The exegesis investigates attitudes toward rape and rape victims perpetuated by Australian popular culture, and the way that myths about false rape complaints and 'deserving victims' continue to influence the reporting and conviction rates for rape. The thesis argues that recent reforms have yet to make an impact on the conviction rate or experience of women accessing the Justice system, because of entrenched misogyny within the system itself. Several factors contribute to widespread ignorance of the reality of our own Criminal Justice system, and the thesis proposes that a work of verbatim theatre may redress the paucity of understanding that enables the dysfunction of the current system. The paper explores the different approaches taken by Verbatim theatre practitioners and the appropriateness of the Verbatim theatre model for communicating this particular (lived) experience. Questions of ownership over one's story, and representation in that story indicate the emancipatory potential of a work. Where practitioners do not have a personal connection to their subject matter or material and access material that is already in the public domain, they may feel a greater freedom to manipulate story and character for dramatic effect, or to suit an activist agenda for change. It is shown that a playwright with a personal connection to her material and subject must address issues of ownership, ethical representation, veracity and verisimilitude when creating a piece of verbatim theatre. Preferencing the truth of the Complainant Woman's experience over the orthodoxies of the well-made play may contribute to a negative response to the work from male audiences. However, the thesis concludes that the subject of rape and its prosecution invokes a gendered response in itself, and ultimately questions the desirability of presenting a play that delivers a palatable story rather than an unpleasant truth.

This thesis provides strong, triangulated evidence to suggest that despite many reforms to legislation, policy and training, in an Australian context, there has been limited improvement in the manner by which police officers respond to complaints of rape and treat women who have experienced rape. My research provides insight into a police organisation that is rarely open to scrutiny, and shows that when a woman reports a rape to police, she is less likely to be believed if, for example, she has been raped by someone familiar to her, or if she has demonstrated non-consent in an acquiescent manner. It is within this climate that I conducted my research to gain the perceptions of women who have experienced rape regarding the criminal justice response to rape, the perceptions of support workers from Centres Against Sexual Assault (CASAs) on the criminal justice response to rape, police officers’ perceptions of the manner in which rape is dealt with by police, and the perceptions of potential jurors regarding rape. This research therefore examines the factors which influenced which rape cases were investigated by police and referred to prosecution by police, and the manner in which police decisions were made, based on non legal factors such as stereotypes, myths, individual and collective factors. This thesis comprises four separate but complementary studies and combines quantitative and qualitative research techniques. Study 1 investigated the perceptions of women (N=6) who have experienced rape regarding the police response to rape in semi-structured in depth interviews. Analysis of this data suggested police officers’ treatment and decisions regarding these women’s experiences were determined by the relationship between the woman and the perpetrator, and by rape myths regarding ‘real rapes’ and ‘genuine victims’. Through focus groups (N=4) with support workers from Centres Against Sexual Assault (CASAs) Study 2 examined the perceptions of these workers regarding the manner by which rape myths and gender stereotypes influenced police officers’ treatment and decisions regarding complaints of rape made by women. In support of the women’s perceptions from Study 1, this data indicated CASA workers believed that police officers’ responses are heavily imbued with stereotypes and myths regarding appropriate behaviours for women, and those associated with mental illness and ethnicity. The data obtained in Study 3 elucidated a more detailed understanding of the influence of rape myths and gender stereotypes on the police response to rape. In semi-structured in depth interviews (N=14) police officers identified factors such as alcohol use, mental illness, the effect of potential jurors’ perceptions regarding a woman, and the relationship between the woman and the perpetrator as influencing their decision making. Police officers also described the manner by which they use these stereotypes to arrive at a ‘hunch’, using intuition to determine the credibility of a woman who reports rape. Through surveys, Study 4 investigated the influence of rape myths and gender stereotypes on potential jurors (N=161) perceptions of what constitutes rape, and provided some insight regarding the attitudes police officers may consider when determining the ‘convictability’ of a rape complaint. The data from Study 4 indicated that potential jurors are less likely to define a scenario as rape when the familiarity between the woman and the perpetrator increased, when the woman had been drinking alcohol and when the woman demonstrated her non-consent in an acquiescent manner. Of critical importance, interviews with police officers indicated they use considerable discretion to act on their hunches and intuition to arrive at decisions regarding the woman’s credibility based on rape myths and gender stereotypes. The triangulation of findings from women’s, CASA support workers’, and from police officers, suggest women who report rape to police are going to be judged by interpretations of the legal definitions of what constitutes rape that are imbued with rape myths and gender stereotypes. My findings illustrate the importance of seeking methods that will improve the substantial under reporting of rape. My findings also demonstrate that if women do have their cases proceed to court, they are likely to be subjected to considerable disbelief as a consequence of prejudicial attitudes within jurors, which are similar to those of police. In response to these findings, suggestions for improvements are recommended, such as specialist rape courts and evaluations of the content of police training. Ultimately, this research illustrates that in 2009 in Australia, women who report rape are subject to considerable uncertainty regarding whether they will receive justice or judgement.

This thesis provides strong, triangulated evidence to suggest that despite many reforms to legislation, policy and training, in an Australian context, there has been limited improvement in the manner by which police officers respond to complaints of rape and treat women who have experienced rape. My research provides insight into a police organisation that is rarely open to scrutiny, and shows that when a woman reports a rape to police, she is less likely to be believed if, for example, she has been raped by someone familiar to her, or if she has demonstrated non-consent in an acquiescent manner. It is within this climate that I conducted my research to gain the perceptions of women who have experienced rape regarding the criminal justice response to rape, the perceptions of support workers from Centres Against Sexual Assault (CASAs) on the criminal justice response to rape, police officers’ perceptions of the manner in which rape is dealt with by police, and the perceptions of potential jurors regarding rape. This research therefore examines the factors which influenced which rape cases were investigated by police and referred to prosecution by police, and the manner in which police decisions were made, based on non legal factors such as stereotypes, myths, individual and collective factors. This thesis comprises four separate but complementary studies and combines quantitative and qualitative research techniques. Study 1 investigated the perceptions of women (N=6) who have experienced rape regarding the police response to rape in semi-structured in depth interviews. Analysis of this data suggested police officers’ treatment and decisions regarding these women’s experiences were determined by the relationship between the woman and the perpetrator, and by rape myths regarding ‘real rapes’ and ‘genuine victims’. Through focus groups (N=4) with support workers from Centres Against Sexual Assault (CASAs) Study 2 examined the perceptions of these workers regarding the manner by which rape myths and gender stereotypes influenced police officers’ treatment and decisions regarding complaints of rape made by women. In support of the women’s perceptions from Study 1, this data indicated CASA workers believed that police officers’ responses are heavily imbued with stereotypes and myths regarding appropriate behaviours for women, and those associated with mental illness and ethnicity. The data obtained in Study 3 elucidated a more detailed understanding of the influence of rape myths and gender stereotypes on the police response to rape. In semi-structured in depth interviews (N=14) police officers identified factors such as alcohol use, mental illness, the effect of potential jurors’ perceptions regarding a woman, and the relationship between the woman and the perpetrator as influencing their decision making. Police officers also described the manner by which they use these stereotypes to arrive at a ‘hunch’, using intuition to determine the credibility of a woman who reports rape. Through surveys, Study 4 investigated the influence of rape myths and gender stereotypes on potential jurors (N=161) perceptions of what constitutes rape, and provided some insight regarding the attitudes police officers may consider when determining the ‘convictability’ of a rape complaint. The data from Study 4 indicated that potential jurors are less likely to define a scenario as rape when the familiarity between the woman and the perpetrator increased, when the woman had been drinking alcohol and when the woman demonstrated her non-consent in an acquiescent manner. Of critical importance, interviews with police officers indicated they use considerable discretion to act on their hunches and intuition to arrive at decisions regarding the woman’s credibility based on rape myths and gender stereotypes. The triangulation of findings from women’s, CASA support workers’, and from police officers, suggest women who report rape to police are going to be judged by interpretations of the legal definitions of what constitutes rape that are imbued with rape myths and gender stereotypes. My findings illustrate the importance of seeking methods that will improve the substantial under reporting of rape. My findings also demonstrate that if women do have their cases proceed to court, they are likely to be subjected to considerable disbelief as a consequence of prejudicial attitudes within jurors, which are similar to those of police. In response to these findings, suggestions for improvements are recommended, such as specialist rape courts and evaluations of the content of police training. Ultimately, this research illustrates that in 2009 in Australia, women who report rape are subject to considerable uncertainty regarding whether they will receive justice or judgement.

Suivant un double regard, socio-historique et monographique, cette thèse propose une sociologie de la profession d’éducateur de la Protection judiciaire de la jeunesse (PJJ), administration du ministère de la Justice chargée de l’exécution des décisions de justice prises à l’endroit des mineurs dits « placés sous main de justice », notamment des mineurs délinquants. Membres de la fonction publique d’État, les éducateurs de la PJJ constituent une « bureaucratie professionnelle » (Mintzberg, 1982), dont le mandat et les finalités de l’activité sont principalement liés au projet politique fondateur de son institution d’appartenance : participer à la construction et à l’épanouissement d’un modèle de justice au sein duquel la connaissance de la personnalité des justiciables est une condition même de leur éducation. À partir d’une réflexion sur les savoirs, principalement les savoirs issus des sciences du psychisme, qui ont permis de délimiter ce projet politique et d’en légitimer les reconfigurations, nous proposons un regard sur la genèse et l’actualité de cette profession, de fait « placée sous main de justice ». Dans une première partie d’ordre socio-historique, nous mettons en lumière les principales tensions – indissociablement savantes, administratives et juridiques – qui émanent de l’histoire du secteur public de la PJJ, autant qu’elles en structurent le fonctionnement. Dans une seconde partie d’ordre monographique, à partir de plusieurs terrains d’observation (centre de milieu ouvert, centre éducatif fermé, prisons pour mineurs), nous analysons ce que les éducateurs font de ces tensions, et comment ils leur donnent forme, en situation de travail. Cette double méthodologie nous permet, in fine, d’interroger les reconfigurations de la profession d’éducateur de la PJJ, tout en nous frayant un chemin, par le terrain, au cœur des principales transformations qui, en France, agitent la justice des mineurs. / Following a double socio-historical and monographicpoint of view, this thesis tackles a sociological study of the profession as educator working for the Judicial Protection of Youth (Protection judiciaire de la jeunesse, PJJ). PJJ is an administration of the French Ministry of Justice applying the decisions taken by the juvenile courts. Educators working for PJJ are members of the State Civil Service. The profession therefore forms a “professional bureaucracy” (Mintzberg, 1982), whose professional mandate and aims are related to the founding political project of PJJ: participating in the development of a model of justice, in which the knowledge on the personality of individuals is a condition of their education. Here, we present a study on the genesis and the evolution of this professional bureaucracy from an analysis of the knowledge, in particular psychological knowledge, which helped to define the founding political project of PJJ and to legitimize the changes of this political project. As a first step, we enlighten from a socio-historical perspective the main intellectual, administrative and legal tensions, that arise from the history of PJJ, and provide its operational framework. Secondly, we analyze from a monographic perspective how educators deal with these tensions in practice. We use for this analysis a suite of observational fields: one open and one close educational institutions, and two juvenile detention centers. Our double point of view allows us to question the reconfiguration of the profession of PJJ’s educator, and to provide a bottom-up framework (i.e. from the field) to analyze the main transformations of juvenile justice in France.

Orientadora: Profa. Dra. Camila Nunes Dias / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, 2017. / A presente pesquisa iniciou-se a partir de uma pergunta: as audiências de custódia representam um ponto de inflexão no Sistema de Justiça Criminal? Instituídas em fevereiro 2015 em São Paulo, foram apresentadas como importante mecanismo para a redução do número de prisões provisórias e mais atenta observação dos direitos e garantias das pessoas presas. Entretanto, o Sistema de Justiça Criminal funciona segundo lógicas que historicamente têm se mostrado pouco permeáveis aos princípios democráticos previstos Constitucionalmente. Assim, com a pesquisa, cuja técnica privilegiada foi a observação direta da cena das audiências, buscou-se compreender, a partir da interação entre os atores, como as velhas práticas relacionadas ao funcionamento do SJC são excluídas ou incorporadas ao novo instituto, e ainda, os limites que se impõem à potência inovadora das audiências de custódia, partindo do pressuposto que compõem um arranjo institucional muito mais amplo, que engloba desde as agências policiais até o sistema prisional. Apesar de ser possível identificar pontos de inflexão tendo como foco de análise apenas a cena das audiências de custódia, observa-se também permanências sobretudo no que diz respeito ao descrédito atribuído às narrativas dos indivíduos presos, e questões relacionadas à violência institucional. / This research started from a question: do custody hearings represent a turning point for the Brazilian criminal justice system? Implemented in February 2015 in São Paulo, they were presented as an important mechanism to reduce the number of pre-trial custody and assure a more attentive observation of prisoners¿ rights and guarantees. However, sense, the research - whose privileged technique was the direct observation of the hearings¿ scene, with specific attention to the interactions among the actors involved ¿ was aimed at understanding how old practices related to the functioning of the system are excluded or incorporated into this new institute, as well as the limits imposed to its innovative power. These research questions were based on the assumption that custody hearings are part of a broader institutional arrangement, which encompasses a wide range of actors, from police agencies to prison authorities. Although it is possible to identify inflection points when focusing the analysis on the hearing scene itself, it is also possible to notice aspects that remain unchanged, especially regarding the discredit towards prisoners¿ narratives and issues related to institutional violence.

Orientadora: Profa Dra Camila Caldeira Nunes Dias / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, 2017. / A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo observar como o sistema de justiça criminal investiga e processa o crime de tortura na cidade de São Paulo. Para tal, utilizamos como material de análise 36 processos e procedimentos criminais findos que apuraram o crime de tortura através da lei 9.455/97 e tiveram tramitação entre os anos de 2004 - 2014. Estes documentos foram analisados com o propósito de compreender quais elementos são relevantes ao longo das etapas de incriminação desses eventos. De que modo regras, práticas e lógicas próprias do sistema de justiça criminal influenciam nas tomadas de decisões pelos atores jurídicos. Igualmente, como tais apurações levam em consideração valores e estereótipos que embora dispersos na sociedade brasileira, acabam por ser incorporados e ressignificados quando da incriminação de práticas de tortura. Além disso, como os fatos incriminados também são interpretados a partir dos atores sociais envolvidos nessas dinâmicas violentas. Assim, através da análise e interpretação dos casos pode se observar algumas regularidades, discrepâncias e a variedade de fatos que foram incriminados como crimes de tortura. Depreende-se que a observação desses múltiplos elementos quando da incriminação de eventos desse tipo constituem um ponto privilegiado para compreender as disputas de sentido e significado quanto ao uso da tortura nas relações sociais e institucionais na sociedade brasileira. / The present research aims to observe how the criminal justice system investigates and processes torture crimes in the city of São Paulo. To achieve this purpose, we use as a material for analysis 36 proceedings and ended criminal proceedings that qualified the crime of torture through the law 9.455/97, between the years 2004 and 2014. These documents were analysed aiming understand which elements are relevant along the stages of the incrimination of these events. In which ways rules, practices and logics inherents to the criminal justice system have an effect on decision-making by legal actors. Likewise, how such calculations assumes values and stereotypes which, although dispersed in brazilian society, they end up being incorporated and redefined in the incrimination of torture. In addition, how the incriminated facts are also interpreted by the social actors involved in these violent dynamics. Therefore, through the analysis and interpretation of these cases it is possible observing some regularities, discrepancies, and variety of facts that have been prosecuted as torture crimes. It appears that the observation of these multiple elements when the incrimination of events of this type consists an advantaged point to understand the sense and meaning disputes existent in the use of torture on social and institutional relationships in the brazilian society.

Sur le point de disparaître en France à la fin du XIXe siècle, la peine de mort connaît un regain à pai1ir de 1906. S'appuyant sur les émotions punitives présentes dans l'opinion publique ainsi que sur les discours criminologiques, le système judiciaire vise à l'élimination de certains accusés. La peine capitale reste cependant marginale dans l'ensemble de la répression pénale et ne punit qu'une minorité de crimes de sang considérés comme particulièrement atroces. Les condamnés à mort sont fréquemment issus des couches les plus misérables et les moins intégrées de la société. Les discours judiciaires, plaidoiries, réquisitoires, expertises, s'affrontent pour déterminer si ces individus peuvent disposer de circonstances atténuantes. Les fonctions de la peine de mort sont alors discutées: s'agit-il de faire un exemple, de venger, ou d'épurer le corps social? S'entremêlent alors considérations rationnelles et émotionnelles. Ces discussions ont lieu à deux niveaux : celui de la cour d'assises d'abord, où l'enjeu est de convaincre les citoyens siégeant comme jurés, celui de l'administration ministérielle et présidentielle ensuite, où l'enjeu est de décider d'une éventuelle grâce. Les condamnés à mort, en attendant que l'on statue sur leur sort, sont détenus dans des conditions particulièrement sévères, devant éviter évasion ou suicide. Leur temps et leur espace sont extrêmement normés, ce qui ne les empêche pas de les aménager à des fins qui leur sont propres. La préparation à mort s'inscrit dans des perspectives tant laïques et religieuses Le cas échéant, la décision d'exécution mobilise forces de l'ordre, personnel pénitentiaire, l'exécuteur et ses aides, pour un acte conjuguant aspects bureaucratiques et brutale violence. Sinon, le condamné est rendu aux circuits pénitentiaires ordinaires, où il risque cependant une autre forme de mort pénale. / Death penalty was about to disappear in France at the end of the 19th century. But the number of death sentences rose after 1906. The judiciary relied on the punitive emotions of the public opinion and on the criminological knowledge to eliminate some of the defendants. The capital punishment was very minor in the whole penal repression and its enforcement punished a small number of murders, considered as particularly heinous. The people sentenced to death came from the most miserable and less integrated parts of the society. Judicial discourses, such as speeches for the prosecution or the defense, or testimonies, confronted each other to determine if these people should benefit of mitigating circumstances. The functions of the death penalty were then discussed: deterrence, retribution, revenge or purge of the social body? Emotional as well as rational arguments were used. The cases were exposed at two different levels: a first time in front of the criminal court and of the citizen seating in the jury, a second time in front of the presidential advisors and of the President of the Republic, who had to decide of the pardon or the execution. The people sentenced to death had to wait their fate in particularly harsh conditions, which aimed at avoiding suicide or escape. Very strong rules framed their time and their space but some of them succeeded to adjust their environment for their own purposes. The preparation to death could be religious or secular. It the need arose, police, army, penitentiary staff, as well as the executioner and his helps were summoned to perform the execution, an act combining bureaucratic aspects and rough violence. In the other case the prisoner was held back to the ordinary prison system, where he could still risk another form of penal death.