The purpose of this dissertation is to help explain how and why two revolutionary national leaders of Cambodia–Lon Nol and Pol Pot, particularly the latter–had spectacular failures and became pseudotransformational leaders. It aims to build a proposition or theory that revolutionary leaders in the public sector, particularly of undemocratic regimes, tend to become pseudotransformational leaders when a) they lack certain components of emotional intelligence (EI) and/or b) adopt certain leadership styles and use them inappropriately. The author used a mixed methods comparative case study with the quantitative method nested in the qualitative one. He collected empirical data from a quantitative questionnaire survey and qualitative individual interviews and other print and audio-visual data from various primary sources, including the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (E), as well as from secondary sources such as books and articles. The author administered the survey to a sample of over 400 Cambodian participants from different socio-economic and political backgrounds and sectors and conducted individual in-depth interviews with 38 participants selected from the sample. Overall, this study’s findings tend to support the proposed theory, albeit with some limitations. In the main, both Lon Nol and Pol Pot were coercive and authoritative leaders. Only Pol Pot was a pacesetting leader. Both leaders severely lacked emotional intelligence, especially the domain of self-awareness. This dissertation makes some contribution to the existing literature on leadership in general and bad leadership in particular and, more specifically, on the two leaders’ leadership qualities, in that it proposes a linkage between leadership ineffectiveness or failures and lack of emotional intelligence and improper use of leadership styles. The practical implications or lessons drawn from the dissertation include the following. First, a national leader’s distance or isolation from the masses can undermine her or his emotional intelligence and/or leadership effectiveness. Second, national/public interest should take precedence over the leader’s other interests and partisan politics. Third, a leadership team of friends or cronies is, more often than not, harmful to quality decision/policy making and administration because it tends to foster groupthink.

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Twenty-eight years after the fall of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, many Cambodians are still unclear about what really took place during the 1975-1979 regime, during which an estimated 1.7 million people died. Cambodia still suffers economically, socially and psychologically from the legacy of the Khmer Rouge and the years of war before and since. This has also impacted on the next generation of young Cambodians, who are reportedly poorly informed and sceptical about the Khmer Rouge. This research explores the root causes of the apparent disinterest and lack of knowledge among Cambodia’s youth. It also examines the potential role that radio can play in supporting and contextualising survivors’ testimonies and educating young people about their recent history. This is achieved by studying a phone-in radio series entitled Ka Pit (The Truth), which aims to educate young people about the Khmer Rouge regime. The overall supposition of this study is that real and meaningful reconciliation requires documenting, memorialising and communicating past violence and conflict, a process which has been slow to occur in Cambodia. The research methodology consisted of focus group discussions with young Cambodians, and a comparative survey of listeners and non-listeners of Ka Pit. The field research reveals that 91.7% of survey respondents lost relatives during the Khmer Rouge regime. However, only 8.5% of survey respondents claimed to be very aware of the KR while 87.5% know a little. 91.7% of respondents learned about the Khmer Rouge from their parents and relatives. In general, young people know about the day-to-day hardships suffered during the regime but do not understand the wider geopolitical, ideological and historical context of the Khmer Rouge. While urban educated youths can educate themselves by accessing other sources such as books, memorials, Internet, magazines and videos, rural young people rely almost exclusively on survivors’ testimony and the mass media as sources of information about the Khmer Rouge. Family stories play a crucial and primary role in informing young people about the Khmer Rouge. However, they also contain inherent limitations and provide neither adequate proof that such a horrific regime existed nor sufficient explanation for why it happened. On the other hand, radio is still a popular pastime and an important source of information for young people in Cambodia. It is a versatile medium that can be listened to throughout the day. 87% of respondents listen to the radio sometimes or often and 41.7% learned about the Khmer Rouge through radio. Young people enjoy Ka Pit and find it extremely informative and interesting. They feel that the information in the programme is trustworthy and can contribute to their understanding of the Khmer Rouge time. The impact of Ka Pit to date has been very impressive, given it has only been on the air for a short time. 90.9% of respondents believed that the programme can have a positive impact on society, most notably that young people will understand their history and that a similar regime would be prevented from taking power in Cambodia. Listeners of Ka Pit were consistently better informed that non-listeners about conditions during the Khmer Rouge regime. Furthermore, listeners of Ka Pit are far more likely to discuss the Khmer Rouge than non-listeners.

This project employs qualitative content analysis (QCA) and secondary data to examine howNyamnjoh’s (2016, p. 25-29) analysis of vertical communication processes in hierarchical societies explains the social hierarchy and communication processes that manifested in Democratic Kampuchea (DK) under the rule of the Khmer Rouge (KR) between 1975-1979. This study argues that although Nyamnjoh’s analysis does not capture the complexity ofDemocratic Kampuchea’s (DK) social hierarchy and communication processes in terms of the outright replacement of one hierarchy by another, the negotiation of meaning, and the circularity of power, it is still effective in explaining the power dynamics, representation practices, andsocial communication processes of the Khmer Rouge (KR) leadership in Democratic Kampuchea (DK) and similar contexts of vertical communication processes in hierarchical societies.

Whereas reconciliation in Cambodia has mostly received academic attention in terms ofanalyzing state-institutions, this thesis explores the role of civil society actors. Of particularinterest is the impact, grass-root efforts can have on promoting an inclusive group identitythrough educational means. This will be researched through the analysis of attitudes towardselements of an inclusive group identity held by pre-service teachers, who were interviewedbefore and after they took part in a so-called genocide education workshop organized by theDocumentation Center of Cambodia. These attitudes will be examined in terms of theirjustifications, and if the workshop influenced their quantity as well as quality. In addition, bytaking into account justifications of attitudes supporting an inclusive group identity, threecommon denominators will be identified that can help strengthening the impact of futureeducational efforts within the framework of reconciliation. Of particular interest in this regardwill be the finding highlighting the relation of functionalist perception of perpetrators thatproofed to be supportive of the interviewees` acceptance of an inclusive group identity.

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This diploma thesis at first analyzes the brutal regime in Cambodia beetween the years 1975-1979. The goal for the readers is briefly to describe this Khmer Rouge regime. It was inhuman and genocide regime which, after taking control of this land began to implement a huge social experiment. This experiment resulted into two milions deads. One half of the diseases, overwork and starvation, one half of the executions. The purpose of this big disaster was a attempt to put this southeast Asia land into self-sufficiency agriculture state. This situation was a work of a small group of people. The main of them was o Pol Pot. In the second part diploma describes a reflection of this regime in communist Czechoslovakia. This part is based on the research in newspapers of this era and research in archive of Ministry of external affairs. The regime in Czechoslovakia was a communist and very conform to foreign policy of the Soviet Union. So the articles in the communist press was not the official statepoint of Czechoslovak govement. At first the governement was a very happy of winning the new regime, because the previous Lon Nol's was very fixed to the United States. After the year 1976 the locals confrontations beetween Cambodia and Vietnam began. In this time carried on the clash beetween China and Soviet...

This diploma thesis at first analyzes the brutal regime in Cambodia beetween the years 1975-1979. The goal for the readers is briefly to describe this Khmer Rouge regime. It was inhuman and genocide regime which, after taking control of this land began to implement a huge social experiment. This experiment resulted into two milions deads. One half of the diseases, overwork and starvation, one half of the executions. The purpose of this big disaster was a attempt to put this southeast Asia land into self-sufficiency agriculture state. This situation was a work of a small group of people. The main of them was o Pol Pot. In the second part diploma describes a reflection of this regime in communist Czechoslovakia. This part is based on the research in newspapers of this era and research in archive of Ministry of external affairs. The regime in Czechoslovakia was a communist and very conform to foreign policy of the Soviet Union. So the articles in the communist press was not the official statepoint of Czechoslovak govement. At first the governement was a very happy of winning the new regime, because the previous Lon Nol's was very fixed to the United States. After the year 1976 the locals confrontations beetween Cambodia and Vietnam began. In this time carried on the clash beetween China and Soviet...

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the relationship between the Khmer Rouge tribunal in Cambodia and the national reconciliation process. A qualitative method involving secondary source analysis as well as field study interviews is being used. The point of departure is a theoretical framework of reconciliation assembled from different sources, as there seems to be no coherent and widely accepted framework available for use. An analysis model is constructed, focusing on the concepts of justice and truth. The findings indicate that reconciliation is nowhere near fulfillment, although a few steps towards national reconciliation have been taken. The Cambodian process of reconciliation is only at its earliest stages. Furthermore, the findings suggest that there is a strong relationship between the tribunal and the reconciliation process, inasmuch as the tribunal is perceived to have positive effects on reconciliation, and that continued reconciliation would not be possible without the tribunal. The tribunal is not the only part in reconciliation though, it is a necessary but not sufficient precondition for continued reconciliation. The tribunal can not bring reconciliation close to fulfillment on its own, other mechanizms must be involved in order to do so.

本論文研究的主題是泰國為維護其邊界安全作出的國家安全政策。泰國位在印度支那半島的中心點，當周邊國家發生動亂時，泰國就成為政治難民逃難的目的地，而且入侵的人數非常多。先後進入泰國的政治難民有泰北孤軍、馬來亞共產黨及柬埔寨難民。本文探討他們進入泰國的原因、在泰國的行為、及泰國政府處置政治難民的政策及最後的歸屬。當時泰國國內也深受共產主義的迫害，使得泰國政府除了要消除來自國外的威脅，還要利用這些難民來協助阻止泰共的活動，或者利用這些難民團體構建其邊疆的防衛圈，成為防衛泰國邊界的前沿軍隊。最後泰國政府以其維護邊境安全有功的理由給予泰北孤軍和馬來亞共產黨人泰國籍，對柬埔寨難民則採取遣返回國或送至第三國安置的辦法。總之，泰國政府以包容性的政策，容納週鄰政治難民，藉以防衛其邊境並開發其邊疆荒蕪之地，是乃泰國邊境安全政策成功之道。 / This paper focuses on Thailand’s national security policy for its boundary issue. Due to the central position in Indo-Chinese Peninsular, when there happened the political turmoil of the surrounding countries, territory of Thailand has been used as a shelter for a large number of political refugees. Those political refugee groups include the Chinese Nationalist troops (KMT), Communist Party of Malaya (CPM), and Cambodian refugees. The reasons of political refugees entering into Thailand, activities and Thai government policy towards them, would be discussed in this paper. Since the 1950s, Thailand suffered from rebel activities of the Communist Party of Thailand, so Thai government took advantage of combating experience of political refugees to fight against those Thai Communists in bordering area. Thai government even gave them the land and agricultural instruments to cultivate in bordering area and encouraged them stay by giving Thailand nationality to KMT troops and members of CPM, but repatriated those Cambodia refugees to back to Cambodia or to resettle in the third country. Thai government adopted an accommodate policy towards those political refugee groups, by using them to defence its border area and develop the economy, successfully to maitain its border security.