M.A. / The objective of this study is to examine the economic growth and job creation in relation to macro economic policies in South Africa since 1994 to date. Economic growth theories help to explain the economic growth problem as well as the possibility to create jobs. Since 1994, the government has introduced three economic policy programmes namely the RDP, GEAR and MTEF. However, the unemployment rate is increasing and the economic growth is still low. The aim of this study is to: demonstrate that economic growth is the driving force to job creation; analyse the human resource development; examine the international experience in relation to South Africa; critically analyse labour market development and macro economic policies; provide recommendations to employment creation.

Since 1994, South Africa has undergone socio-economic, political and demographic transformation. The Employment Equity Act (No 55) of 1998 aims to facilitate workplace transformation through the elimination of unfair discrimination and the implementation of affirmative action measures to enable equitable representation of employees in all occupational categories and levels in the workplace. This legislation was amended on 1 August 2014, and South Africa has watched with keen interest to see what the impact of the amendments to the Employment Equity Act would be on the world of work. For many it was to see whether job seekers and individuals from the designated groups experienced equity in access to the workplace and fair treatment in employment. For others, it was to see to what extent businesses would either benefit from its accountability and fairness to all employees or suffer from increased regulatory compliance to employment equity and affirmative action amendments. At the heart of the amendments was a need to make the South African Constitution real for South Africans in facilitating work inclusive environments in which people are enabled and motivated to contribute to the goals of the organisation. The state must respect, protect, promote and fulfil the rights in the Bill of Rights, one of these rights being equality. Affirmative action as a component of employment equity is inherently part of the process of increasing and managing diversity and identifying barriers to fair employment. Transformation does make business sense. No business will survive in the long-run, unless it reinvents itself and constantly adapts to the ever-changing demands of an increasingly competitive global environment in which it operates. An organisation’s ability to create a work culture in which diversity management is effectively managed is more likely to experience the positive effects thereof on its business. Organisations require a diverse workforce with the requisite multidisciplinary talents and knowledge to achieve its goals in an ever-changing environment. The evaluation of the extent of the progress and the narrative is to be drawn from the reported workplace demographics. This is made up of statistical analyses of the representation of individuals from designated groups at different occupational levels, as well as training and progression of designated employees by reporting employers. The ultimate test of transformation however, is in the extent to which employees would vouch for the inclusivity of the workplace environment and the total absence of unfair discrimination based on listed and arbitrary grounds. For the Commission to be able to comment on the experience of diversity management and inclusion as part of employment equity, a different approach needs to be taken. I am excited to share that the Commission’s strategic plan for the period 2016 to 2021 has prioritised the need to go beyond workforce demographic statistics and move towards a better understanding of the experience of fair treatment, diversity and “inclusion” Management. There is a significant shift in the way in which the Commission is approaching its work, in the interest of the country. It is not the aim of the Commission for Employment Equity to focus its attention on the punitive measures for non-compliance only, and accordingly the third Commission hosted the Employment Equity Awards, which recognise the good work done by organisations towards furthering the transformation agenda. The third Commission moreover developed a number of Codes of Good Practice to support the implementation of employment equity. A lot of ground was covered to enable the fourth Commission to focus on their mandate more effectively. We are grateful for their hard work and we wish them well as we look forward to realising our objectives. On a different note, the United Nations offices in New York were a hub of activity and rigorous debate during the March 2016 Summit on the Status of Women. One of the themes extensively interrogated at the summit was “Women Empowerment in the economic space”. Globally, not enough is happening to turn the economic status of women. The United Nations Sustainable Goal 5 is “Gender Equality”. A 50-50 target has been set for female representivity at all occupational levels globally. South Africa needs to work towards this goal as part of their contribution. The Summit echoed the words “Women leaders in the business world is everyone’s business”. It would do us proud in the future to be able to report significant progress in this area. Another topical issue was “Equal Pay for Work of Equal Value”. Three countries, namely Canada, Sweden and Iceland have committed themselves to pay parity across gender by 2022. South Africa on the other hand has already enacted this policy. We need to see significant change in this area. In line with the discussions during the summit, I would also like to encourage designated employers in South Africa to review policies in favour of transparency around remuneration. This will go a long way in creating an enabling environment for elimination of unfair discrimination in the workplace.

O presente trabalho versa sobre uma análise dogmática da constitucionalidade do valor do saláiio núnimo nacional, como um direito fundamental social do trabalhador brasileiro, à luz do princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana. O Poder Legislativo e o Poder Executivo nã.o cumprem com o programa social consagrado na Constituição Federal de 1988, sobretudo em relaçã.o aos direitos sociais. Contudo, o salfuio núnimo nacional deve atender as necessidades vitais básicas do trabalhador, ou seja, trata-se do núnimo existencial, que sem isso o indivíduo não alcança liberdade, igualdade e autonomia em relaçã.o à sociedade e o Estado. A Constituiçã.o Federal também ciiou mecanismos de defesas dos direitos sociais, inclusive dois desses mecanismos já foram utilizados para que o valor do salário núnimo nacional fosse declarado inconstitucional (açã.o direta de inconstitucionalidade por omissã.o parcial e argüição de descumprimento de: preceito fundamental). Entretanto, o Supremo Tribunal Federal reconheceu em três ocasiões a inconstitucionalidade por omissã.o parcial praticada pelo legislador em relaçã.o à fixa.çã.o do valor do salfu·io núnimo, mas nada pode fazer. Eis que se tem a reserva do possível, a reserva parlamentar orçamentáiia, a Separaçã.o de Poderes e a falta de legislaçã.o no procedimento das ações diretas de inconstitucionalidade. Em que pese isso, vige no ordenamento pátrio, a proibiçã.o do retrocesso social e a proibiçã.o da insuficiência. No momento que o valor do salfu·io núnimo não concretiza todas as necessidades vitais básicas descritas no artigo 7°, inciso IV, da Constituição Federal, está havendo insuficiência e quem sabe retrocesso, o que será analisado no trabalho. / This work deals dogma ti c analysis o f the constitutionality o f the value o f the national mininnun wage, as a fundamentaltight ofthe social worker Brazil, in the light ofthe principie of human dignity. The legislative branch a1nd the Executive do not comply with the social program enshrined in the Federal Constitution of 1988, particularly in relation to social rights. However, the national minimum wage shoulld meet the basic vital needs o f the worker, or it is the existential minimtun, without which it does not meet the individual freedom, equality and autonomy in relation to society and the state. The Federal Constinltion also created mechanisms for protection of social rights, including two such mechanisms have been used for the value o f the national minimtun wage was declared unconstitutional ( direct action of unconstitutional default partia! and argüição of breach of fundamental precept). Meanwhile, the Federal Supreme Cowt on three occasions acknowledged the unconstitutional default prutial practiced by the legislantre in relatioJn to the fixing o f the value o f the minimum wage, but can do nothing. That which has been the: reservation as possible, the reserve parliamentaty budget, the Separation o f Powers and the lack o f legislation in the procedure o f direct actions of unconstitutional. In that despite thís, vige in planning pátrio, the prohibition of social backlash and the prohibition of failure. Ctmently the value of the minimum wage not implemented all the basic vital needs desctibed in Alticle 7 of, section IV, of the Federal Constitution, there is insufficient and who lmows setback, which will be examined at work.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:18:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_jose_pandolfi.pdf: 722571 bytes, checksum: 6f7bea03e22453dce63736fa34a0412d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-08-16 / This study deals with the Labor Justice s Normative Power, as a jurisdictional process of norm formation. The objective is to question the directions traced by the Constitutional Amendment n. 45/2004, which disfigured its nature and imposed obstacles to the access to justice in the cases of economic collective disagreements dissidios. Firstly, it traces a panorama of conflict solution alternatives, as well as the dogmatic structure of this procedure model to demonstrate its importance in the context of the General Theory of the Process. From a new hermeneutic agenda and using an updated and multidisciplinary bibliography, the study questions the content of the referred amendment and it defends that its content goes against a number of Procedural Constitutional Principles, especially the principle of Jurisdiction Inafastabilit. As it is usual in an academic study, it presents the empirical and analytical evidence produced by Critical Social Theory studies, to demonstrate that the cited constitutional amendment was presented in a moment when the world is living a systemic crisis, caused by ultraliberal geopolitics, with deep implications in the world of labor; the recognized crises of contemporary unions and their negative impact in collective negotiations and strikes. It also suggests that its adoption is connected with the proposals disseminated by neocorporativism, which insists in the aversion of the State from the resolutions of these same conflicts and, in particular, it prevents the Labor Justice from exercising this normative power. Based on such arguments, the study concludes by defending the Normative Power and it proposes the recognition of the unconstitutionality of the referred constitutional amendment / O presente estudo tem como objeto o Poder Normativo da Justiça do Trabalho, enquanto processo jurisdicional de formação de norma. Objetiva enfrentar as diretrizes traçadas pela Emenda Constitucional n. 45/2004, que desfigurou a sua natureza e impôs obstáculos para o acesso à justiça nas hipóteses dos dissídios coletivos de natureza econômica. Traça inicialmente um panorama das alternativas de solução dos conflitos e a estrutura dogmática desse modelo de procedimento para, em seguida, demonstrar a sua importância no contexto da Teoria Geral do Processo. A partir de uma nova pauta hermenêutica e se valendo de uma bibliografia atualizada e multidisciplinar enfrenta o conteúdo da referida emenda e defende que o seu enunciado fere vários Princípios Constitucionais Processuais, especialmente o Princípio da Inafastabilidade da Jurisdição. Como convém a um estudo acadêmico, apresenta as evidências empíricas e analíticas produzidas pela Teoria Social Crítica, a fim de demonstrar que citada emenda constitucional foi apresentada no momento em que o mundo vive uma crise sistêmica desencadeada pelo geopolítica ultraliberal, com profundas implicações no mundo do trabalho; nas reconhecidas crises do sindicalismo contemporâneo e seus impactos negativos para as negociações coletivas e as greves. Deixa transparecer que a sua adoção está conectada também com as propostas disseminadas pelo neocorporativismo que teima em afastar o Estado das resoluções desses mesmos conflitos e, em particular, a Justiça do Trabalho de exercitar esse mesmo poder normativo. Com base em tais argumentos, conclui fazendo a defesa do Poder Normativo e propõe o reconhecimento da inconstitucionalidade da referida emenda constitucional

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:18:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_maria_do_perpetuo.pdf: 1446330 bytes, checksum: 04eac5ca920f89069d7a4eb62b178803 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-09 / Sem abstract / O trabalho subordinado surgiu do modo de produção capitalista, na primeira Revolução Industrial. A contratação feita, inicialmente, sob o dogma da autonomia da vontade dos contratantes, resultava em prejuízo do trabalhador. Isto gerou a luta de classes, surgindo os sindicatos como contrapoderes ao poder econômico das empresas. A penúria dos trabalhadores e o risco social daí decorrente levaram o Estado a estabelecer normas de proteção social e de regulação das relações de trabalho. Assim, formou-se o Direito do Trabalho. Os direitos sociais foram constitucionalizados, no Brasil, com a Constituição de 1934 e alcançaram maior densidade na Constituição de 1988 que afirma a dignidade da pessoa humana como valor e principio fundamental da República, conjugado ao valor social do trabalho. Reconheceu-se o direito à inserção social e econômica dos trabalhadores no sistema capitalista e a vedação de procedimentos aviltantes ou destruidores das garantias e proteção social. Esta é a linha principiológica do Direito do Trabalho e que permeia a formação de seus institutos, obstando que eles sejam negados pela política de acumulação flexível do capital e de surgimento de novas formas de trabalho e modalidades contratuais. Aos princípios da proteção do trabalhador, irrenunciabilidade, continuidade do contrato e valorização dos fatos na relação laboral, pelos quais se promove a igualdade jurídica entre o trabalhador e a empresa, somou-se, nesse contexto, o princípio geral do não retrocesso social em sua aplicação específica nas relações de trabalho. As relações de produção, na sociedade pós-moderna, focada na globalização e no neoliberalismo, tiveram modificações com as ideias de flexibilização das normas regulamentadoras ou desregulamentação do trabalho, na configuração do Direito do Trabalho Flexível. A formulação de seus conceitos levou aos modelos atípicos de contrato de trabalho e às novas formas de prestação de serviços, destacando-se a terceirização, que é promovida no âmbito do serviço público e na atividade privada. Assim, houve a expansão das relações terceirizadas, mas elas não foram regulamentadas, no Brasil, sendo praticadas sob uma fórmula que reuniu um contrato civil e um contrato de trabalho para o ressurgimento da contratação com feição civilista e do marchandage. Com a anomia da terceirização, a realidade cobrou um tratamento jurídico dessa forma organizacional, tendo o Tribunal Superior do Trabalho, mediante a súmula nº 331, disposto sobre alguns aspectos do fenômeno e iniciado sua juridificação. De outro lado, como a desorganização das categorias profissionais e a dessindicalização acarretaram o aviltamento dos direitos trabalhistas e a dispersão e fragmentação das categorias, os sindicatos buscaram o protagonismo da regulação da terceirização, por meio das normas autônomas coletivas. A juridificação e a regulação autônoma, todavia, disciplinam parcialmente o fenômeno, que reclama a atividade legiferante do Estado. Como Estado Democrático de Direito, o Estado brasileiro, no cumprimento de sua função, tem a incumbência de estabelecer uma relação de equilíbrio entre os atores sociais, mediante a regulamentação da terceirização com aplicação dos direitos fundamentais segundo o seu sentido e núcleo: a pessoa humana e seu lugar no mundo do trabalho

This thesis discusses the history of the closed shop as a form of union security and the changes that arose with the passage of the Taft-Hartley Law in 1947 which declared the closed shop illegal and morally reprehensible.

Historical studies of Theodore Roosevelt's views about labor and labor unions are in conflict. This was also true of contemporary disagreements about the meaning of his labor rhetoric and actions. The uncertainties revolve around whether or not he was sincere in his support of working people and labor unions, whether his words and actions were political only or were based on a philosophical foundation, and why he did not propose comprehensive labor policies. Roosevelt historiography has addressed these questions without considering his stated admiration for Octave Thanet's writings about "labor problems." Octave Thanet was the pseudonym of Alice French, a popular fiction writer during Roosevelt's adult years. Roosevelt on several occasions praised her knowledge of factory conditions and discussions of labor problems, and he invited her to the White House. The thesis analyzes her labor stories, Roosevelt's comments about her labor writings, and their relevance to how he responded to the growth and tactics of organized labor. It also addresses the influence on Roosevelt of contemporary writing on labor unions by John Hay, Henry George, and Herbert Croly, as well as his relationship with labor leader Samuel Gompers. The thesis concludes that Roosevelt was sincere about improving the social and industrial conditions of workers, primarily through government action. It further concludes that his support of labor unions in principle was genuine, but was contingent on organized labor's repudiation of violence and attempts to justify violence; and that he opposed union boycotts and mandatory union membership as inimical to his vision of a classless society. The thesis additionally considers the extent to which Roosevelt's views were embodied in national labor legislation after his death.

A dissertation submitted to the Department of Industrial Psychology, at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Masters of Arts, by Coursework and Research Report, 2000 / The current research report examines the relationship between personality variables and the perceptions of distributive, procedural and interpersonal justice. The study was performed with 70 employees from a company that supplies a financial service to the man on the street and companies with regard to all movable assets. The results indicated that certain aspects of the personality as defined by Jung do impact on an individual's Justice Perceptions. However, the sample size was too small to draw any conclusive relationships. The theoretical and practical implications of this are discussed along with limitations of the current research and directions for future research have been considered. / AC2017

This study analyzes the impact of the political changes on labor unions in Egypt in the period from 1960 to 1967. In 1960-1961 Egypt became a socialist country with one political party, the Arab Socialist Union. As a result of that development in the political arena, a wave of socialist laws were introduced by the government, affecting not only the labor unions' traditional functions, but also the industrial relations system in general. The study came to the following conclusions. 1. The role of the labor unions in the industrial relations system and especially in formulating the socialist laws was minimized in Egypt in the 1960-1967 period. 2. From an economic point of view, the socialist laws in the 1960-1967 period had restrained economic development process by reducing savings, not supplying the economy with skilled productive workers, causing inflation, and the wage structure did not work as an incentive system to stimulate productivity. 3. The socialist laws did not achieve any of their expected objectives partly because no one except the government was involved in these laws' formulation and implementation. 4. Except for the small increase in wages, the average worker did not achieve any tangible benefits that could improve his economic and social status. 5. The existence of political control over labor unions and over the industrial relations system will continue and persist as long as labor unions do not have effective leadership and as long as there is no political opposition to the government.

Thesis (LLM. (Labour Law)) -- University of Limpopo, 2016 / This research is a comparative study of affirmative action measures in South Africa and the United States of America. It examines affirmative action measures as a whole. It looks at the reasons for affirmative action; the legal standing of affirmative action; the present day application of affirmative action and the future affirmative action in South Africa The underlying purpose of this research is therefore threefold: Firstly, it provides a historical background to the needs of affirmative action measures. Secondly, it presents a detailed examination of affirmative action measures on a comparative basis and the various provisions that regulates these measures. Finally, the research examines and consider some important lessons that South Africa should bear in mind in its development of affirmative action jurisprudence and in the exercise of such programmes