九一八事變自始就是一部由關東軍自導自演的軍事行動，與日本政府沒有直接關聯。因而事變初起時關東軍、陸軍中央和外務省間存在許多分歧與矛盾。由於關東軍掌握了主動權，軍部則因理念認同故主張對其行為予以追認，導致政府、外務省都很難約束關東軍的躁進，但為顧及國際觀感不得不製造出一個不擴大的方針，事實上則只能透過內閣決議、佐之以國際戰略的分析，勸阻其從整體戰略利益角度停止軍事行動，許多時候後者還比前者有說服力。 若槻內閣時期日本經歷了三次國聯行政院調停會期，當時外相為幣原喜重郎，向以「協調外交」主張聞名。九一八事變爆發初期，若槻內閣確曾遵循協調外交精神，做出「不擴大事端」決議，並透過各種命令手段，軟硬兼施約束關東軍躁進。但一來受限於施政效能不彰，再者軍部高層又有意包庇，更重要的，是它本身亦有利用軍事戰果協助談判的想法，故未能堅持壓制關東軍初衷，反逐漸向其靠攏，於國聯議場為之辯護。 接任若槻組閣者為政友會的犬養毅，該內閣歷經了兩次國聯調停會期。犬養和中國素有淵源，其組閣確實給包括蔣介石、居正等人解決中日糾紛之期待。但畢竟犬養上台有其特殊背景，加上政友會傳統的對華強硬路線，這些都逼使他不得不收起對華友好的態度，轉趨嚴厲。同時伴隨日軍在東北戰場的百戰百勝，日本輿論也興起一股擁戴擴張熱潮，這股情緒似乎漸漸感染到原先最富國際視野、最能盱衡國際情勢的外交官僚，政友會組閣後該趨勢更趨明顯。於是日本外交代表為掩護滿洲國成立，遂於國聯議場演出了拖延上海談判、力戰小國集團之戲碼。 接任犬養組閣者為前海軍大將齋藤實，該內閣經歷兩次國聯調停會期。自「五一五事件」後軍方掌握政治大權，政黨內閣步入尾聲，外交政策更傾向為擴張服務。儘管少數情況中仍存在與軍部相左聲音，但這一切在軍部高層有力決定政策走向下變得毫無意義。齋藤實任命內田康哉為新任外相，內田隨即改變了日本長期來對滿洲國所持模糊態度，於當年9月正式承認之，等同給了國聯決議一巴掌，加上松滬事變的經驗與1933年1月日本對熱河進攻，凡此皆堅定列強抵制滿洲國決心。而當雙方都不願稍作讓步時，日本退出國聯似乎已成必然。

This thesis examines international feminist activism from the late nineteenth century to the present. In particular it focuses on the campaigns against forms of sexual slavery including child marriage. It examines the male sex right as a major cause of sexual exploitation and it investigates claims that similarities between trafficking children into the institutions of marriage and prostitution reflect the power of heteropatriarchy in governing the social model of heterosexuality and the ensuing subordination of women and girls. It argues that challenging sexual exploitation is difficult because of the social acceptance of men’s right of sexual access to women and girls. / This thesis examines the ways in which the ideologies of cultural relativism and sexual libertarianism protect the concept of ‘conjugal rights’ in systems of traditional marriage. It introduces the theory of sexual relativism in order to explain how cultural relativism works in relation to child marriage. Sexual relativism as a corollary of cultural relativism is used as a feminist tool of analysis in order to make the male sex right visible and politically accountable. / Lesbian historiography is introduced in order to document the role of lesbian experience in the lives and networks of these international activists. The inclusion of lesbian existence in this thesis is a unique approach intended to restore historical accuracy to the lives of women who have been involved in international campaigns against forms of sexual exploitation that include child marriage, child prostitution, incest, and other harmful cultural practices. I discuss how lesbians and spinsters, as unhusbanded women, experienced freedom from domestic duties including child care and the sexual servicing of men. Their ensuing independence enabled them to become involved in political work and by forming networks they were able to discuss and formulate their ideas. I explore the relationship between the personal and political in the examination of these women’s lives. In particular I examine the lesbian existence within the political and friendship networks of interwar feminists such as Eleanor Rathbone, Constance Antonina (Nina) Boyle, Alison Neilans, Cicely Hamilton, Katharine Furse and Margaret Haig. The radical feminist approach to this inquiry is intended to contribute to filling gaps in the knowledge base of feminist history and to broaden the transdisciplinary approach to international scholarship.

A tese estuda a evolução histórica do atitude multilateral do Brasil. Parte da noção que o multilateralismo é um aspecto significativo da política externa brasileira, desde as primeiras conferências internacionais dos países americanos, que começam ainda no fim do século XIX. Em tempos recentes, na Liga das Nações, mas sobretudo nas Nações Unidas, a importância das instituições multilaterais só fez crescer. O estudo parte, no ângulo teórico, da perspectiva de que o multilateralismo tem uma lógica própria e que, ao aceitá-la, o comportamento diplomático dos Estados deve naturalmente estar em sintonia com o que aquela lógica impõe. A concepção de John Ruggie apóia a parte teórica da tese e sustenta o seu objetivo central, que é o de procura definir o que seriam constantes do comportamento multilateral do Brasil. Procura-se mostrar que suas origens estariam nas reações que a diplomacia brasileira teve ao Pan Americanismo, se fixaram com nossa participação na II Conferência da Haia, quando, com Ruy Barbosa, defendemos que as instituições multilaterais deveriam estar fundadas na igualdade entre os Estados e com a aspiração a uma participação influente nos processos decisórios internacionais, expresso recentemente com a aspiração a um lugar permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações. / The thesis studies the evolution of Brazil´s multilateral attitude. It accepts the notion that multilateralism has been a meaningful aspect of Brazilian foreign policy since the first conferences of American States, a series of international gatherings that began at the end of nineteenth century. From them on, after the creation of the League of Nations and, specially, the United Nations, the importance of multilateral institutions for Brazil has grown consistently. From the theoretical perspective, the thesis accepts the idea that multilateralism is defined by a singular logic and States, when working in multilateral institutions, are bound by that logic. John Ruggie´s conception of nultilateralism supoorts that idea and frames the main goal of the thesis, that is, a investigation of the constant patterns of Brazil´s multilateral behavior. The origins of those patterns could be identified in the diplomatic reactions to the challenges of the Pan American conferences. But, the patterns became more evident during our participation in the II Peace Conference (Hague, 1907) when our delegation, headed by Ruy Barbosa, advocated the understanding that necessary foundation of the multilateral institutions is the equality among States. Another constant is the Brazilian wish to have a more influential participation in the decision making process of the international institutions, as today shown in our aspiration to occupy a permanent seat at the Security Council of the United Nations.

Les organisations internationales furent marquées dès le XIXe siècle par une évolution importante des modes de règlement des conflits concernant leur personnel, évolution ayant connu des périodes de progrès mais également de régression en matière d’indépendance de la justice liée à la question sensible des pouvoirs de leurs organes directeurs. La thèse examine cette évolution à l’aide de la théorie de l’institutionnalisme historique et à travers une typologie des critères d’indépendance. Ainsi, tandis qu’il existait essentiellement quatre types de justice interne pour le personnel et d’autres personnes affectées par leurs activités au XIXe siècle, l’avènement de la Société des Nations en 1919 voit la création du système de justice administrative interne destiné au seul personnel qui dominera le XXe siècle: la procédure de réclamation auprès de comités paritaires consultatifs sans pouvoir contraignant, suivi de la possibilité d’un recours auprès d’une juridiction administrative indépendante. La perte de contrôle des organes directeurs sur cette justice amena cependant les États à se doter durant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle d’un mécanisme leur permettant de demander la réformation des jugements auprès de la Cour internationale de Justice qui en profita au contraire pour finalement consacrer l’indépendance des juridictions administratives internationales et celle des organisations internationales. Le système mixte dans lequel les premiers niveaux de recours de nature administrative dépendaient encore des chefs des administrations disparut au sein des Nations Unies en 2009 avec l’avènement d’un double degré de juridiction indépendant. Par contre, fragmentée et cloisonnée, l’ensemble de la justice interne des Nations Unies reste grevé par des réformes concomitantes quant à la responsabilité des Nations Unies vis-à-vis de tiers, qui, encore en 2017, n’ont pas prévu de contrôle juridictionnel efficace. / Staff conflict resolution mechanisms within international organisations have witnessed a tremendous evolution since the 19th century, evolution which saw progress but also periods of regression in terms of independence of justice mainly due to the sensitive issue of the authority of their governing bodies. The thesis studies this evolution by applying the theory of historical institutionalism and through various criteria used to measure the independence of these mechanisms. While mainly four different systems of justice existed for staff members and others in the 19th century, the establishment of the League of Nations in 1919 was accompanied by the creation of a new type of recourse mechanism solely meant for staff members and which would eventually dominate the 20th century: joint advisory boards with staff participation without binding authority and independent administrative tribunals. The loss of control experienced by the governing bodies over these tribunals also led Members States to establish a new mechanism allowing them to challenge their decisions with the International Court of Justice. But far from assisting them to ascertain their authority, the ICJ would not only confirm the independence of those administrative tribunals but also of the United Nations itself. The joint advisory boards, the last element of the conflict resolution mechanisms which was not yet independent, were finally abolished within the United Nations in 2009 through a justice reform that created a new appeals tribunal. However, fragmented and compartmentalized, the overall justice system within the United Nations still fails in 2017 to address the broader issue of its liability towards all kind of persons and companies, which might have suffered harm from its activities.

A tese estuda a evolução histórica do atitude multilateral do Brasil. Parte da noção que o multilateralismo é um aspecto significativo da política externa brasileira, desde as primeiras conferências internacionais dos países americanos, que começam ainda no fim do século XIX. Em tempos recentes, na Liga das Nações, mas sobretudo nas Nações Unidas, a importância das instituições multilaterais só fez crescer. O estudo parte, no ângulo teórico, da perspectiva de que o multilateralismo tem uma lógica própria e que, ao aceitá-la, o comportamento diplomático dos Estados deve naturalmente estar em sintonia com o que aquela lógica impõe. A concepção de John Ruggie apóia a parte teórica da tese e sustenta o seu objetivo central, que é o de procura definir o que seriam constantes do comportamento multilateral do Brasil. Procura-se mostrar que suas origens estariam nas reações que a diplomacia brasileira teve ao Pan Americanismo, se fixaram com nossa participação na II Conferência da Haia, quando, com Ruy Barbosa, defendemos que as instituições multilaterais deveriam estar fundadas na igualdade entre os Estados e com a aspiração a uma participação influente nos processos decisórios internacionais, expresso recentemente com a aspiração a um lugar permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações. / The thesis studies the evolution of Brazil´s multilateral attitude. It accepts the notion that multilateralism has been a meaningful aspect of Brazilian foreign policy since the first conferences of American States, a series of international gatherings that began at the end of nineteenth century. From them on, after the creation of the League of Nations and, specially, the United Nations, the importance of multilateral institutions for Brazil has grown consistently. From the theoretical perspective, the thesis accepts the idea that multilateralism is defined by a singular logic and States, when working in multilateral institutions, are bound by that logic. John Ruggie´s conception of nultilateralism supoorts that idea and frames the main goal of the thesis, that is, a investigation of the constant patterns of Brazil´s multilateral behavior. The origins of those patterns could be identified in the diplomatic reactions to the challenges of the Pan American conferences. But, the patterns became more evident during our participation in the II Peace Conference (Hague, 1907) when our delegation, headed by Ruy Barbosa, advocated the understanding that necessary foundation of the multilateral institutions is the equality among States. Another constant is the Brazilian wish to have a more influential participation in the decision making process of the international institutions, as today shown in our aspiration to occupy a permanent seat at the Security Council of the United Nations.

The presented diploma thesis deals with the issue of the legacy and reflection of the peace conference in the 20th century, through the theories of realism and idealism. The theoretical part presents the key theories of realism and idealism, from the perspective of several authors, as well as the first great debate in the sector of international relations. The distribution of forces at the peace conference in Paris is described in more detail, all the treaties forming the Versailles peace system are presented, and attention was also paid to the process of establishing the League of Nations. The main part of the work contains an analysis of the situation during the interwar period, with an emphasis on the sustainability of the idealistic peace concept, which contrasted with the realistic activities of individual states. Based on this, the main goal of the work is to answer the questions what caused the failure of the system of collective security, the demise of the League of Nations, as well as the possible transcendence of peace treaties to the present. Key words Peace conference, idealism, realism, interwar period, Versailles peace system, League of Nations

No description available.

This thesis investigates the relationship between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations (LoN) during the interwar period, with a particular focus on the years from 1922 to 1935. This relationship was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography on the Italian membership of the League has not reflected this oscillation in policy, focusing disproportionally on the crises Italy caused at the League. However, Fascist Italy remained in the League for more than 15 years, ranking as the third-largest power, and was fully engaged in the institution's work. This dissertation investigates the dynamics that developed between Fascist Italy and the LoN through a systematic study of the Italians involved. In so doing, it contributes to the historiography of the LoN and of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period. The thesis argues that there was more to the Italian membership of the LoN than the Ethiopian crisis. It reveals the extent of the Italian presence and activity in the institution from the beginning, and demonstrates that the organization was more important to the Italian government than previously recognized. Membership of the League was essential to guarantee Italy international legitimation and recognition. Through an active appropriation of internationalism, the Italian government hoped to obtain practical benefits in the colonial sphere. The thesis uncovers the depth and variety of interactions between nationalism and internationalism in the case of Italy and the League, establishing that they did not oppose each other but rather interacted. This dissertation illustrates the complexity of being an Italian working in the League, as well as the grey areas between nationalism and internationalism evident within individual experiences. Finally, it shows the continuity of actors and expertise in Italy's international cooperation between the interwar and the post-1945 period.

L’effondrement et le démantèlement de l’Empire ottoman à la suite de la Première Guerre mondiale ont conduit les Grandes puissances européennes à opérer un partage territorial du Proche-Orient, légitimé par le système des mandats de la Société des Nations (SDN). Sans précédent, cette administration internationale marqua le point de départ de l’internationalisation de la question de la Palestine, dont le droit international allait servir de socle à une nouvelle forme de colonialisme. Au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l’Organisation des Nations Unies (ONU) continua l’action entreprise par la SDN en s’occupant également de cette question sur la demande des Britanniques. En novembre 1947, l’ONU décida du partage de la Palestine en deux Etats pour résoudre les conflits entre sionistes et nationalistes arabes. Si ce partage fut accepté par les sionistes, il fut rejeté par les Etats arabes voisins et de nombreux Arabes palestiniens. Les affrontements opposant nationalistes arabes et sionistes de Palestine laissèrent place au conflit israélo-arabe après la proclamation d’Indépendance de l’Etat d’Israël en mai 1948. Au commencement de la guerre froide, les Etats-Unis et l’URSS prirent conscience de l’intérêt géostratégique de cette région, progressivement désinvestie par la France et la Grande-Bretagne. Dans cette étude, nous verrons comment la scène interétatique et la communauté internationale, successivement composée de la SDN puis de l’ONU, ont en partie scellé le sort du Proche et Moyen-Orient. Nous consacrerons également une analyse au rôle joué par les idéologies nationalistes arabes et sionistes, qui tiennent une place centrale au sein de ce conflit. / The collapse and dismantling of the Ottoman Empire following World War I, led the great European powers to engage in a territorial division of the Middle East, legitimized by the mandates system of the League of Nations. Without any precedents, that international administration marked the beginning of the internationalization of Palestine’s thorny issue. The international law would serve as the pillar for a new form of colonialism. The day after World War II, the United Nations continued the action taken by the League of Nations, as well as for the demand of the British. In November 1947, the UN decided to divide Palestine into two States. If the Zionists had accepted that split, their neighbors, Arab States and Palestinian Arabs, would have rejected it. The clashes opposing the Arab Nationalists and the Palestine Zionists gave space to the Arab-Israeli conflict after the independence of Israel, on May 14, 1948. At the beginning of the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union became aware of the geo-strategic interest in this region, gradually divested by France and Great Britain. In this study, we will see how the interstate scene and the international community, successively composed by the League of Nations and the United Nations, have partially sealed the fate of the Near and the Middle East. We will also devote a preliminary analysis related to the role played by the Arabs and Zionists nationalist ideologies, which are central in this conflict.

The first half of the twentieth century saw the evolution of the global public sphere as a site for political expression and social activism. In the past, this history has been marginalised by a discipline-wide preference for national and other container- based frames of analysis. However, in the wake of 'the global turn', historians have increasingly turned their attention to the ways historical actors thought, acted, and organised globally. Transnational histories of South Asia feed into our understanding of these processes, yet, so far, little attention has been paid to the role of Indian nationalist women, despite there being significant 'global' aspects to their lives and careers. Citizens of Everywhere addresses this lacuna through an examination of the transnational activities of a handful of prominent nationalist women between 1900 and 1950. These include alliances and interactions with women's organisations, anti-imperial supporters and the League of Nations, as well as official contributions to the business of the fledgling United Nations Organisation after 1946. This predominantly below-state-level activity built on and contributed to public and private networks that traversed the early twentieth century world, cutting across national, state and imperial boundaries to create transnational solidarities to transformative effect. Set against a backdrop of rising imperialist-nationalist tension and global geopolitical conflict, these relationships enable a counter-narrative of global citizenship - a concept that at once connotes a sense of belonging, a modus operandi, and an assertive political claim. However, they were also highly gendered, sometimes tenuous, and frequently complex interactions that constantly evolved according to local and global conditions. In advancing our understanding of nationalist women's careers, Citizens of Everywhere contributes to the recovery of Indian women's historical subjectivity, which, in turn, sheds light on gender and nationalism in South Asia. Further, Indian women's transnational activities draw attention to a range of interventions and processes that illuminate the global history of liberal ideas and political practices, the legacies of which appear embattled in the present era.