The ongoing war in Ukraine and Gaza have sparked international discussion on how to manage the situation but also on which side one should stand in these conflicts. One axis ofsupport these discussions occur are along ideological lines. What this paper aims to achieve is to understand where the left- and right-wing stand in these conflicts and what kind of reasonings that they put forwards to justify their support. In order to come to a conclusion this paper will use a text analysis method on different ideologically charged text in form of debate articles, policy documents and other public statements from four Swedish parties, two on the left and two on the right. This method will be a qualitative idea analysis that will focuson different statements from these texts that will then be analyzed and interpreted throughan IR constructivist lens. What could be concluded from this paper was a clear result that all four parties were on the side of Ukraine but differed on the Israel-Palestine with the right-wing leaning more to Israel and the left-wing leaning towards Palestine. This because two of the parties were more in the center of the ideological divide while two of them were on clear opposite sides with the more socialist party siding with Palestine due to principal and historical support while the more conservative party sided with Israel due to clear outspoken support and ideological similarities with the ruling party of Israel.

Die Autonomen sind die wichtigste Kraft im militanten Linksextremismus. Seit den 1980er Jahren machen sie mit Anschlägen oder „Massenmilitanz“ auf sich aufmerksam. Dietze beschäftigt sich in seiner Studie mit einem über lange Zeit zentralen Periodikum der Szene. Die Zeitschrift „Interim“ untersucht er hinsichtlich der in ihr geführten Themen und Diskurse. Ziel seiner Untersuchung ist es, Einblicke in das Denken der Autonomen zu geben. Hierfür arbeitet er zentrale, identitätsstiftende Positionen heraus. / The autonomists are the most important force in militant left-wing extremism. Since the 1980s they have been putting themselves in the public eye with attacks and "mass militance". In his study, Dietze focuses on a periodical that has been a lynchpin of the scene for many years. He examines the magazine "Interim" in terms of the themes and discourses it presents. His investigation aims to bring some insight into the mindset of autonomists. To this end, he maps out central identity-forming positions.

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2018-04-27T17:54:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013 - Lucr?cia de Mascarenhas Batista.pdf: 512428 bytes, checksum: 2e16fcd0fec935501ab5399e313e6468 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-27T17:54:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013 - Lucr?cia de Mascarenhas Batista.pdf: 512428 bytes, checksum: 2e16fcd0fec935501ab5399e313e6468 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-22 / CAPES / This work intents to discuss the relationship between the left-wing sets and the opposition regarding the historical experience of h ?Movimiento Cristiano de Liberaci?n? as well as the relationship with de Cuban revolutionary government between 1988 and 2002. / Este trabalho objetiva discutir a rela??o entre as esquerdas e as suas oposi??es tendo por base a experi?ncia hist?rica do Movimiento Cristiano de Liberaci?n e o relacionamento estabelecido com o governo revolucion?rio em Cuba no per?odo de 1988-2002.

[pas de résumé] / Jean Charbonnel was part of that generation of "young wolves", sponsored by Georges Pompidou, which - from the beginning of the 1960s - embarked on the conquest of those parts of the country that were hostile to Gaullism. That was how Jean Charbonnel succeeded in being elected a "député" in a part of the Corrèze that was "radical-socialiste", in which the initial contacts with local politics were more than difficult. With that victory on which to build, Jean Charbonnel made for himself a real stronghold in the south of the department (the "Pays de Brive") where he became a "conseiller général" (1964-1968), mayor of Brive (1966-1995), the initiator of the first forms of "intercommunalité", and a deputy for a total of fifteen years. With this base of practical experience on the ground, his Gaullism became clearly orientated towards a search for, and the defence of, a better social justice through the realisation of novel mechanisms whose aim was the integration of handicapped schoolchildren, and of young people into the world of work, or through the responsibility that was taken for older members of the community with the construction of "foyers-logements" (sheltered housing). Such local social action was echoed on the national level, particularly when Jean Charbonnel became "Ministre du Développement industriel et scientifique" (1972-1974), within the context of the "affaire Lipp" when he tried to obtain true recognition for the eminently "gaullien" principle of Participation, taking into account the interests of the workers, of the salaried employees and of the management. Jean Charbonnel's political action claimed to be resolutely progressive but above all reformist as it sought to associate the citizen - according to the place that he actually occupied within the Community - with the great reforms of the country. This thesis seeks therefore to comprehend how a Gaullist managed to establish himself in a left-wing area - the "Pays de Brive" -and the way in which his action made of him a left-wing Gaullist or rather a "gaulliste social" because he was intellectually nearer the Right than the Left, and above all because he never sought to break away from mainstream gaullism, by which he was quite different from the left-wing Gaullists

This study is an analytical investigation of the usage of the concept “people” and its relation to “class” in the Swedish left-wing antizionist repertoire post-1967. Relying on a critical Marxist understanding of antisemitism and nationalism, the study attempts to understand how and explain how the political left reproduced the antisemitic conspiracist structure of the “powerful Jews” through anti-imperialist nationalism. The study utilizes Freeden’s morphology of ideologies as a method to identify the position of specific political concepts, and what they mean in relation to each other. Likewise, how certain cultural constraints connected to Marxism-Leninism direct a specific political language regarding the communists understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It is the author’s assumption that “people” replaced “class” as the main word, by which the political left re-positioned itself from a Marxist understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to an approach characterized as a post-colonial nationalism with class nuances, which contributed to left-wing antisemitism post-1967.

The Diploma thesis focuses on examination of real interconnection between political extremism and hardcore fans of Bohemians 1905, Slavie Praha and Sparta Praha. The research itself is therefore concentrated primarily on people associated with political extremism and their relation to groups of ultras and hooligans and furthermore their influence on these groups. The theoretical part of the thesis introduces theory of political extremism, typology groups of people attending football games, their development and the reasons of their politicization. The analytical part elaborates particulary the different Prague football clubs and their fans. Part of the data is applied from fourteen half-structured interviews with ultras and hooligans representatives of these clubs. The goal of the thesis is to clarify the real scale of interconnection between political activists and hardcore fans on the one hand, and on the other hand to point out and explain the attempts of political extremist to penetrace into this enviroment and assess the degree of their success.

No description available.

The master's thesis Čin magazine in 1929 - 1939 deals with the cultural-political magazine Čin, which was issued in Prague in between the world wars. This left-wing and democratically orientated weekly, later a fortnightly, magazine focused on current cultural and public issues within former Czechoslovakia. The thesis aims to provide a thorough profile of what was an important and distinctive periodical in its time. Firstly, the thesis deals with outlining the notion of the magazine within the mass media, further on it describes the characteristics of the media landscape in the period of the first and second republic, where the printed media and their related area of problems are dealt with in detail. A subchapter on the cultural and political standing of Czechoslovakia in the 20s and 30s of the 20th century is also included, the focus is also on the position of the Čin magazine in the array of magazines of that time. The ensuing parts of the thesis already deal with the periodical itself, firstly in the period from 1929 to 1936, when the magazine was under the leadership of Marie Majerová, and secondly in the period of leadership of Bohumil Přikryl, that is from 1937 to 1939. These separate chapters inform about the publisher of the Čin magazine, the eponymous press and publishing cooperative of...

O presente estudo buscou analisar a participação política e engajamento na luta armada de militares dissidentes das Forças Armadas. No período anterior ao golpe civil militar de 1964 que derrubou o governo do presidente João Goulart, vivenciaram com grande intensidade uma contradição entre seu papel de militar, idealizado pelas instituições, de mantenedor da ordem social vigente, e as aspirações e lutas de sua classe de origem. Esses militares foram cassados ou deixaram as Forças Armadas após o golpe, outros permaneceram na ativa e foram presos por estarem ligados a grupos armados. Todos combateram o desenvolvimento econômico nacional baseado no sistema capitalista associado e dependente e vislumbraram, no sistema socialista, uma alternativa de organização mais justa e digna. O golpe militar teve um grande impacto destrutivo nas suas trajetórias de vida e eles encontraram, na luta armada, uma maneira de dar continuidade às suas atividades e aspirações políticas. Organizações de esquerda como o MNR e a VPR, principalmente pela capacidade de organização e aglutinação do sargento do Exército Onofre Pinto, representaram uma resistência concreta contra a dispersão desses agentes políticos, provocada pelos órgãos repressivos. / The present study looked to analyse the political participation and commitment in the armed combat of military dissidents of the Armed Strength. In the period previous to the civil military blow of 1964 that knocked down the government of president João Goulart, they survived with great intensity a contradiction between his soldier\'s paper, idealized by the institutions, of bread-winner of the social order in force and the aspirations and struggles of his class of origin. These soldiers were revoked or they left the Strength Armed after the blow, others remained in the active service and were imprisoned because of being tied to armed groups. They all fought the economical national development based on the capitalist associate and dependent system and glimpsed, in the socialist system, the most just alternative of organization and worthy. The military blow had a great destructive impact in his trajectories of life and they found, in the armed combat, a way of giving continuity to his activities and political aspirations. Left-wing organizations as the MNR and the VPR, principally for the capacity of organization and agglutination of the sergeant of the Army Onofre Pinto, represented a concrete resistance against the dispersal of these political agents, provoked by the repressive organs.

O objetivo desta dissertação é construir uma hipótese de mecanismo causal do esquerdismo nos governos de esquerda renovadora da América Latina a partir do estudo de caso do racha à esquerda do Frente Amplio (FA) do Uruguai, e testar esta hipótese com o caso do racha à esquerda do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) do Brasil. Utilizando theory building process-tracing, a partir da literatura sobre partidos políticos foram elaboradas, e testadas no caso uruguaio, três hipóteses de partes de mecanismo causal, as quais estabelecem: (i) o movimento ao centro feito pelo FA para atingir objetivos eleitorais é parte do mecanismo causal do racha da fração 26M; (ii) as situações de crise com o governo do Presidente Tabaré Vázquez se constituíram em parte do mecanismo causal do racha do 26M; e (iii), a diminuição das oportunidades do 26M de incidir na toma de decisões do FA, combinada com sua perda de zonas de incerteza dentro do partido, tornou- se parte do mecanismo causal do racha desta fração. As evidências apresentadas para cada hipótese suportaram o Hoop test, o que deu um alto poder confirmatório das hipóteses, porém, não permitiu descartar hipóteses alternativas. Com base nos resultados do caso Uruguaio, se construiu uma hipótese de mecanismo causal dos processos de esquerdismo nos governos de esquerda renovadora da América Latina que contém 8 partes, as entidades (atores) e ações envolvidas em cada uma delas. Por fim, utilizando theory-testing process-tracing, se fizeram apontamentos sobre o funcionamento da hipótese no caso do processo das frações que racharam com o PT e formaram o Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL). As evidências apresentadas neste caso não foram submetidas a testes empíricos, porém, de maneira geral, não diminuíram nossa confiança na hipótese de mecanismo causal. Inclusive, se produzindo uma trajetória divergente entre as frações que derivou na estruturação em dois momentos do PSOL, não foi necessário adicionar de maneira ad-hoc partes para o mecanismo, pois as foças causais foram transmitidas pelas partes nele estabelecidas, encurtando-o no caso das frações que racharam no primeiro momento, e percorrendo-o parte por parte, no caso da fração que rachou no segundo momento. / The aim of this Master\'s dissertation is to construct a causal mechanism hypothesis of leftism in the Latin American renovation of left-wing governments. This will be reviewed in two parts: starting with the case study of the split in the left of the Frente Amplio (FA) party of Uruguay, and furthermore to test the hypothesis with the case study of the split in the left of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) of Brazil. Using theory- building process-tracing from literature about political parties, three hypotheses of parts of causal mechanism were elaborated and tested in the Uruguayan case, which established that: (i) the movement towards the center made by the FA to achieve electoral objectives was part of the causal mechanism of the split of the fraction 26M; (ii) crisis situations with the government of President Tabaré Vázquez were part of the causal mechanism of the split of 26M; and (iii) the reduction of 26M\'s opportunities to influence FA decision-making process, combined with the loss of zones of uncertainty within the party, became part of the causal mechanism of fracture of this fraction. The evidences presented for each hypothesis withstood the Hoop test, which gave a high confirmatory power to the hypotheses, however, they did not allow for the disregard of alternative hypotheses. Based on the results in the case of Uruguay, a hypothesis of causal mechanism of the leftist processes in the Latin American renovation of left-wing governments was constructed, which contains 8 parts, the entities (actors) and actions involved in each one of them. Finally, using theory-testing process-tracing, notes were made on the functionality of the hypothesis in the process of fractions that broke with the PT and formed the Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL). The evidence presented in this case was not subjected to empirical tests, however, in general, it did not diminish our confidence in the causal mechanism hypothesis. Even if there was a divergent trajectory between the fractions that resulted in the structuring in two moments of PSOL, it was not necessary to add parts to the mechanism ad-hoc, because the causal forces were transmitted to the parties in it, shortening it in the case of the fractions that broke initially, and going part by part, in the case of the fraction that broke after.