Since Suetonius, Odes 4 has been the focus of much criticism and apology. Some explanation seems required for Odes 4’s apparent disunity and eclectic mixture of encomium with occasional pieces. My dissertation offers an interpretation of Book 4 by considering it in the light of the Mausoleum of Augustus. By considering the ways in which Horace builds evocations of the Mausoleum into book 4, I argue that there is sustained connection between the two works, which points towards a unified purpose for Odes 4: Horace is building a literary Mausoleum of Augustus. The first chapter establishes the justification for viewing Odes 4 through the lens of the material world by considering the functions of architecture and topography in Horace's models and contemporaries. After studying the ways the city of Rome is used by the Augustan poets and by Horace, the chapter concludes by making a case for understanding Odes 4 as a poetic monument. The second chapter studies the interrelationship between C.3.30 and the Mausoleum. First, I parse out a preliminary list of the Mausoleum's evocations. I then show how Horace evokes the Mausoleum in C.3.30 and recreates it in the poetic sphere. In chapter 3, I revisit Horace's autobiography and Suetonius's statements regarding the origin of Odes 4. I argue that the impetus of Odes 4 is not imperial compulsion but rather Horace's understanding of his own role as poet in the years following his selection by Augustus to compose the Carmen Saeculare. In chapter 4, I make the case for Odes 4 being a literary Mausoleum of Augustus. I first discuss the ways Horace builds his new poetic work upon the foundation of his earlier lyric successes. I then show how Horace uses the themes of time, death and the power of poetry as the brick and mortar of his literary mausoleum. I conclude by showing how Horace praises Augustus in ways that engage specifically with the Mausoleum by incorporating many of its evocations into this book. / text

v.1. Text (246 leaves) -- v.2. Figures and musical examples (145 leaves) / William Byrd's motets with Latin text are a little-known contribution to the sacred vocal repertoire. Most important among these works are three books of Cantiones Sacrae, published 1575, 1589 and 1591, respectively. The 1589 Cantiones Sacrae was Byrd's first harvest from a backlog of motets that had been accumulating since 1575. This collection lies at a midpoint between Byrd's earliest published works and his full maturity, as seen in the Masses of 1592--95. / This study will describe the contrapuntal strategies that characterize Byrd's 1589 Cantiones. I will examine Byrd's deeper-level tonal organization and its derivation from cantus firmus technique. I will show how Byrd uses musical material in cantus firmus values (the breve and semibreve) to shape his subject material and his cadence points, and how this shaping plays out over the course of an imitative point. / I will then examine Byrd's introductory gestures in the 1589 Cantiones, identifying 24 presentation types that characterize different degrees of beginning. These types contain one or more melodic subjects in a recurring temporal relationship, and form a vertical interval pattern or harmonic motive. Next, I will discuss Byrd's variation techniques by which he develops these presentation types: textural change, transposition, melodic inversion and invertible counterpoint. Byrd's presentation and variation of subject material divides an imitative point into distinct phases of tonal and contrapuntal activity, providing insight into its overall form and tonal design. / Finally, I will apply these analytical tools to a complete analysis of Tristitia et anxietas, from the 1589 Cantiones, thereby showing how Byrd establishes central pitches in the middleground. Through this analysis, I will summarize Byrd's contrapuntal strategies, both long-range and local, that typify his middle-period sacred vocal style, as viewed through the lens of the 1589 Cantiones Sacrae.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of London, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [323]-372) and index.

While Constantine worked diligently to unite the Roman Empire under the banner of Christianity in the early fourth century after the Edict of Milan and Council of Nicaea, it was the Edict of Thessalonica in 380 under Theodosius I that made Christianity the Roman state religion. During this time of conversion and great change within the empire, as well as earlier in the fourth century, new adherents to the religion were unsure about what it meant to be a Christian as well as how one should act in order to present themselves as a true believer. Many were still very familiar with their ancestral and polytheistic traditions, but were unsure of the character of this new, singular God. They had questions concerning their identity within this new framework. Was everything different now that they had accepted Christianity? Were their actions supposed to be entirely different than what their ancestors had taught them? To address the issue of Christian identity during this period, Prudentius, a Spanish Christian, composed many works in the late fourth and early fifth centuries, including his Peristephanon Liber, a compilation of fourteen Christian martyr texts. In these texts, Prudentius used gendered language to show the superiority of the Christian martyrs. The Christians were depicted as having self-control, active, and having a willingness to die while the pagan persecutors and judges were seen as being filled with wrath, unjust, and unable to properly govern. By using gendered language that was familiar to the new converts of the Roman Empire with respect to sexuality and masculinity, Prudentius sought to help create a masculine Christian identity that was both recognizable and superior to the masculinity of the previous regime. In order to prove this, an analysis on gender in the ancient world and its scholarship will be summarized. I will then describe the two martyr texts that portray women as the protagonist: Eulalia and Agnes. By analyzing the gendered language of these texts, I hope to show how Prudentius used gender, something that the Romans already understood, to invert traditional gender roles and present the Christians as the more masculine and the pagans as more feminine. By bending gender, Prudentius sought to teach these new Christians that being a Christian made a person not only masculine, but also a superior masculine figure than if they still believed in paganism. By focusing on the language of these texts and using secondary sources, I show that Prudentius, like previous Christian authors, used gendered language and female protagonists in order to show these new Christians what it meant to be a true believer, thus attempting to create a superior Christian identity in a newly Christianized society.

v.1. Text (246 leaves) -- v.2. Figures and musical examples (145 leaves)

Ouvrage anonyme arabe d’origine néoplatonicienne, ie Livre des Causes fut, jusqu’au commentaire de saint Thomas (en 1272), attribué à Aristote. Par son contenu et le prestige d’Aristote au XIIIe siècle, son influence fut considérable. Bien que sa source première soit les Eléments de théologie de Proclus, l’auteur nous présente un univers intelligible dont la structure dérive des hypostases plotiniennes : la Cause première, l’Intelligence et l'âme noble. Le but de notre thèse est d’étudier la réception de ces principes par le biais de commentaires médiévaux dont les auteurs (Roger Bacon et le pseudo-Hemri de Gand) considèrent le Livre des Causes comme authentiquement aristotélicien. Ces commentateurs nous offrent un précieux témoignage sur la rencontre entre F aristotélisme, le néoplatonisme et le christianisme. Notre travail se situant au croisement de plusieurs traditions philosophiques importantes, nous avons utilisé un angle historique en accordant autant d’importance au néoplatonisme, au Livre des Causes et aux commentateurs médiévaux. Compte tenu des nombreux points d’accord entre le De Cousis et les commentateurs médiévaux, sur la Cause première, nous avons focalisé notre attention sur l’Intelligence et l’âme noble qui sont des thèmes privilégiés de la confrontation entre ces différents auteurs. Ainsi, les caractéristiques de l’Intelligence (l’éternité, la simplicité, l’infinité et son rôle de médiatrice dans la création) sont fermement refusées par les commentateurs médiévaux. Par conséquent, l’Intelligence du Livre des Causes va être transformée en un intellect agent séparé de type avicennien. Seule sa fonction inteilective va être conservée. De son côté, l’âme noble possède des caractéristiques et accomplit des fonctions que l’on ne saurait attribuer à l’âme humaine (notamment la création du temps et du mouvement du Ciel). Pourtant nos commentateurs s’efforcent d’interpréter le Livre des Causes dans le cadre de leur psychologie aristotélicienne, qui n’admet pour l’âme que la fonction d’animation d’un vivant individuel. L’âme noble va ainsi être adaptée pour coïncider avec l’âme humaine. L’Intelligence et l’âme noble subissent donc une importante réduction de leurs fonctions et de leur place dans la hiérarchie. Par cela, nous pensons possible de conclure que les commentateurs accueillaient favorablement certaines thèses néoplatoniciennes, mais refusaient les principes de l’univers pîotinien.

Bien que plusieurs études aient été consacrées aux Libri memoriales, à l’exemplaire de Brescia et au monastère San Salvatore/Santa Giulia, aucune monographie n’a replacé le Liber memorialis au cœur de l’histoire de la communauté monastique qui l’a créé. Cette thèse propose d’utiliser ce manuscrit, conçu en 856 et composé de listes de noms et de textes liturgiques, pour analyser les réseaux et la liturgie entre 750 (décennie de la fondation du monastère) et 1000 (l’emprise des Ottoniens sur l’Italie). Les listes de noms témoignent des relations des moniales au sein de leur propre communauté et avec les institutions de la cité épiscopale de Brescia : l’évêque et le clergé de la cathédrale. Ces listes illustrent également le réseau des moniales à l’extérieur de la ville — au niveau local, transalpin et impérial — et avec divers groupes : les parents des moniales, les nobles, les clercs, les évêques, les moines et les moniales et enfin, les pèlerins. L’objectif est aussi de s’interroger sur le rôle de la liturgie comme créatrice de liens entre ces divers groupes et sur l’agentivité des moniales dans la mise en place et la pérennisation de ces réseaux de même que dans la pratique de la liturgie. Outre le Liber memorialis, une grande variété de sources liées ou produites par les moniales de San Salvatore/Santa Giulia a été mobilisée dans cette recherche : des sources diplomatiques (diplômes, chartes et privilèges), des sources hagiographiques et des hymnes, des sources liturgiques de la seconde moitié du Moyen Âge (Psautier-Collectaire et Ordinaire) ainsi que des sources matérielles. L’ensemble de ces ouvrages permet d’appréhender comment les moniales concevaient leur communauté. Ma recherche souhaite également développer une réflexion sur le rôle du Liber memorialis au sein de la communauté de moniales et pour les gens qui y faisaient inscrire leur nom de même que sur le caractère distinct de l’exemplaire de Brescia par rapport aux autres Libri memoriales. Mon hypothèse est que le manuscrit de Brescia représentait une communauté imaginée dont le socle était les moniales de San Salvatore/Santa Giulia, caractère accentué dans le Liber memorialis de Brescia par le regroupement de listes de noms et de textes liturgiques dans un même codex. / Although several studies have been devoted to the Libri memoriales, the Brescia manuscript, and the San Salvatore/Santa Giulia monastery, no monograph has centered the Liber memorialis at the heart of the monastic community’s history that created it. This thesis’ purpose is to use this manuscript, conceived in 856 and composed of lists of names and liturgical texts, to analyze networks and liturgy between 750 (the decade of the monastery’s foundation) and 1000 (the Ottonian control over Italy). The lists of names testify to the nuns’ relationships within their own community and with the institutions of the episcopal city of Brescia: the bishop and the cathedral clergy. These lists also illustrate the nuns’ network outside the city — at local, transalpine and imperial levels — and with various groups: the nuns’ relatives, nobles, clerics, bishops, monks and nuns, and finally, pilgrims. The aim is also to examine the role of liturgy in creating links between these various groups, and the nuns' agency in establishing and perpetuating these networks, as well as in the practice of liturgy. In addition to the Liber memorialis, a wide variety of sources related to or produced by the nuns of San Salvatore/Santa Giulia were put together in this research: diplomatic sources (diplomas, charters and privileges), hagiographic sources and hymns, liturgical sources from the second half of the Middle Ages (Psalter-Collectary and Ordinary) as well as material sources. Taken as a whole, these works provide an insight into how the nuns conceived their community. My research also aims to foster a reflection on the role of the Liber memorialis within the community of nuns and for the people who had their names inscribed in it, as well as on the distinctiveness of Brescia’s manuscript in relation to the other Libri memoriales. My hypothesis is that the Brescia manuscript represented an imagined community whose foundation was the nuns of San Salvatore/Santa Giulia, aspect accentuated in the Brescia Liber memorialis by the grouping of lists of names and liturgical texts in a single codex.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In his Odes, Horace pays particular attention not only to the subject in hand, but also to the reader as his audience, or the addressee, who is usually mentioned at the beginning of the poem. As this kind of communication draws the poet into his own creation, it is useful to refer to him in that context, as the speaker. It is evident from the manner of communication with the addressee that Horace conveys the message of each poem not solely by means of statements, but by implying certain facts, through this interaction between speaker and addressee. The specific addressee for each ode - to whom the speaker's attitude is a reaction - is therefore chosen with great care, in order to underline a specific subject or support a point of view. Just as each ode is different, and contains a variety of differing emotions, Horace's speakers display a myriad of different attitudes. His deeper sentiments do however remain constant. This brings one to the realisation that Horace applies a number of "roles", in order to obtain the desired effect in each poem. Eventually the interaction is not between the speaker and the addressee, but between the poet and the reader. Some of the poems do not give the names of addressees, only the roles Horace plays as the speaker. These roles are termed personae, and represent the poet on a number of realistic and super-realistic planes. In this study, a selection of personae was analysed and the effects examined, in order to establish in what way the persona might influence the interpretation of the poem. Initially a collective overview of several personae was planned, for the purpose of a synthesis of those personae, possibly leading to the discovery of a central Horatian persona. It was however, found, in the complex perfection of his work, that that central person is Horace: the poet. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Horatius se Odes, gee hy dikwels spesifieke aandag nie net aan die onderwerp nie, maar ook aan die leser as sy gehoor, of die aangesproke persoon, wat dikwels in die begin van die gedig genoem word: Omdat so 'n kommunikasie die digter in sy eie skepping intrek, is dit sinvol om na hom in daardie konteks as die spreker te verwys. In die wyse waarop daar dan met die aangesprokene gekommunikeer word, word dit duidelik dat Horatius die boodskap van sy gedig nie slegs deur middel van stellings oordra nie, maar dat hy ook deur middel van die wisselwerking tussen die aangesprokene en die spreker, sekere feite impliseer. Die aangesproke persoon, waarop die spreker se houding dan'n reaksie is, word dus vir elke ode gekies om 'n sekere onderwerp of siening te ondersteun. Soos wat elke ode dus verskil, en'n verskeidenheid emosies bevat, verskil Horatius se houdings teenoor sy aangesprokenes drasties. Sy dieper oortuigings bly egter dieselfde. Dit lei die leser tot die besef dat Horatius 'n verskeidenheid "rolle" aanwend om in elke gedig die gewensde effek te verkry. Die werklike wisselwerking is nie tussen die spreker en die aangesprokene nie, maar tussen die digter en die leser. Sommige gedigte bevat geen name van aangesprokenes nie; slegs die rolle wat Horatius as die spreker gebruik. Hierdie rolle word personae genoem en verteenwoordig die digter op 'n aantal realistiese en bo-realistiese vlakke. Die effekte van 'n seleksie personae word in hierdie studie deur middel van analise ondersoek om vas te stel hoe die toepassing van die persona die interpretasie van die gedig beïnvloed. 'n Gesamentlike beskouing van 'n aantal digterlike personae is aanvanklik beplan, met die oog op 'n sintese van die personae, wat moontlik tot die ontdekking van 'n sentrale persona by Horatius sou kon lei. Daar is egter bevind dat die sentrale persoon wat in die komplekse perfeksie van sy werk self sit, dié is van Horatius as digter.

Cette thèse se propose d'offrir un commentaire linguistique, philologique, rhétorique des vers 49-396 [ = 1-348 Petsch.] du livre V, qui est le livre de la bataille d’Antonia Castra, et une analyse de l'œuvre, qui montre in primis son importance littéraire. Le cœur de ma thèse est l'édition du texte latin présenté selon une nouvelle numérotation et avec quelques différences par rapport au texte de Diggle-Goodyear (Cambridge 1970). Une importante découverte philologique nous a permis d'établir le véritable incipit du livre V de la Iohannis, jusqu’à présent reconnu traditionnellement dans en un endroit déterminé par une conjecture de G. Loewe, accueillie par l'édition Petschenig et après Diggle-Goodyear. Dans une riche introduction divisée en deux sections et qui précède le commentaire, on parle de la tradition du texte et on encadre historiquement l'activité du poète. Après, nous décrivons les formes d'écriture épique du livre V de la Iohannis, livre par excellence de la Bataille, entre histoire et clichés littéraires (furor bellicus comme Erinys, cohortationes des généraux aristiai, similitudes conduisent à la même idée de guerre sainte, dans une lignée héroïque et mythologique). / Subject of this thesis is the commentary to Coripp. Ioh 5*,49-396 [=5,1-348 Petsch.], that is the description of Antonia Castra’s battle. My intention is to offer a study on Corippus’ work, where first is clear its literary importance. The heart of my thesis is the edition of the Latin text that is based on a new numbering of the verses and with some differences compared with the Diggle-Goodyear’s edition (Cambridge 1970). A very important philological discovery has allowed us to establish the real beginning of Iohannis’ book V, traditionally recognized until Diggle-Goodyear in a point determined by a G. Loewe's conjecture. In a rich introduction, divided into two sections and which precedes the commentary, we talk about the tradition of the Iohannis, through the Trivultianus 686, the only surviving manuscript, and we introduce the poet's historical background. After that, we describe the epic shapes of the book V, the very book of the Battle, between concrete history and literary stereotypes (furor bellicus like Erinys, generals’ cohortationes, aristiai, similies lead us to the same idea of “crusade” ante litteram, following an heroic and mythologic line).

As Decretais de Gregório IX (Decretales ou Liber Extra) é uma compilação de direito canônico publicada em 1234, que havia ficado sob incumbência do canonista Raimundo de Penyafort e da qual ainda não existe tradução em português e em outras línguas faladas hoje. Nascida no período de direito canônico clássico e do chamado ius novum ou ius decretalium, ela se caracteriza por incluir principalmente (não apenas) decretais papais desse período, isto é, tanto declarações com o conselho da cúria romana – ou sem a participação da mesma – sobre matérias jurídicas após uma provocatio da hierarquia inferior, como ainda sentenças judiciais, quando estas chegavam à cúria romana, além de outras manifestações papais dadas a particulares. De caráter particular, elas tornaram-se universais ainda antes de serem incluídas nas Decretais. A obra se divide em 5 livros, os quais se subdividem em títulos e capítulos, abordando vários tipos de normas, que de forma excessivamente resumida são: o processo canônico ou ordem de juízo (matéria processual civil eclesiástica e de processo criminal), disciplina do clero secular e regular, a administração eclesiástica, normas sobre o casamento, determinação sobre os vários tipos de crimes, previsão de penas, regras litúrgicas, entre outras. A tradução é feita sobre os dois primeiros títulos do livro 5, tratando de três modos processuais canônicos (acusação, denunciação e inquirição) – que exerceram e ainda exercem uma influência determinante sobre o direito de países da Europa e da América – e das penas aplicadas aos caluniadores no desenrolar dos referidos modos processuais. A tradução é feita ainda sobre parte da Glosa Ordinária, apenas quando se entendeu que ela fosse fundamental doutrinariamente para completar as normas ou quando indispensável para o entendimento de certos trechos. Essa glosa segue a mesma ordem do texto latino, mas é apresentada em notas finais, as quais são interpretativas e fazem uso concomitante de outros tipos de meios bibliográficos. A introdução se divide em duas partes. Na primeira é abordada a natureza da fonte traduzida, os elementos constituintes, o trabalho editorial de Raimundo de Penyafort a partir de coleções de decretais anteriores, e se discute a edição impressa do Corpus Juris Canonici utilizada para a tradução. Na segunda parte se trata de entender a complexidade do material contido na tradução, cuja leitura por si só torna difícil o entendimento da matéria. A sociedade brasileira e aquelas de vários países do Ocidente estão organizadas através de legislações que possuem um desenvolvimento operado há muitos séculos. Apesar de principalmente voltado à estrutura eclesiástica, o direito canônico acabava atingindo a sociedade laica (secular) cristã e isso deixou marcas na atualidade. Tal como o direito contemporâneo brasileiro, o direito canônico, embora assentado em uma firme estrutura original, estava em constante aperfeiçoamento e era adequado ao seu tempo, o que incluíam as regras processuais criminais quando se percebia a impunidade e a constância no cometimento dos crimes, a despeito de ambos os direitos caracterizarem-se pela mitigação na aplicação das sentenças judiciais, excetuando-se determinados crimes, considerados graves em seus tempos. / The Decretals of Gregory IX (Decretales or Liber Extra) is a compilation of Canon Law published in 1234, which had been in charge of the canonist Raymond of Penyafort and from which there is still no translation in Portuguese and in other languages spoken today. Born in the classical Canon Law period and the so-called ius novum or ius decretalium, it includes mainly (not only) papal decretals of that period, namely both statements made by the Roman curia council – or without its participation – on legal matters upon a provocatio of the lower hierarchy, or court rulings, when they reached the Roman curia, as well as on other papal manifestations given to private affairs. Despite having a particular character, they became universal even before being included in the Decretals. The compilation is divided into five books, which are divided into titles and chapters, covering various types of regulations, which are, in sum: The canonical process or ordo iudiciarius (ecclesiastical civil procedural and criminal proceedings), discipline of secular and regular clergy, the ecclesiastical administration, rules about marriage, determination of the various types of crimes, punishment predictions, liturgical rules, among others. The translation was carried out on the first two titles of book 5, dealing with three canonical procedural modes (accusation, denunciation and inquisition) – that exerted and still exert a decisive influence on the laws of countries in Europe and America – and penalties applied to calumniators during the course of these procedural modes. Translation was further carried out on part of the Ordinary Gloss, only when it was understood that it was essential to doctrinally complete the norms or where essential for the understanding of certain passages. This gloss follows the same order of the Latin text, but it is presented in the form of endnotes, which are interpretative notes and make concomitant use of other types of bibliographic resources. The introduction is divided into two parts. The first addresses the nature of the translated source, the elements, the editorial work of Raimundo Penyafort from previous collections of decretals, and discusses the printed edition of the Corpus Juris Canonici used for the translation. The second part deals with the understanding of the complexity of the material contained in the translation, whose reading alone makes it difficult to understand the matter. The Brazilian society and the societies of many Western countries are organized based on laws whose development occurred many centuries ago. Although mainly focused on the ecclesiastical structure, canon law strongly affected the Christian lay (secular) society, whose effects can still be perceived today. Just like the Brazilian contemporary law, canon law, although laid on a firm original structure, was constantly improving and was appropriate to its time, which included criminal procedural rules when impunity and constancy in the practice of crimes were perceived, despite both types of law are characterized by a mitigation in the enforcement of legal judgments, except for certain crimes considered serious offences in their times.