Chenopodium album is considered one of the most important weeds adversely affecting agricultural production due to its highly competitive influence on field crops. Chemical herbicides have increased the efficiency of farming, but recently problems of herbicideresistant weed populations and herbicide residues in soil, water, food products and effects on non-target organisms have increased, consequently, other methods of control of weeds by using specific fungi as herbicides have been suggested. The purpose of this research was to evaluate the biological control of the weed Chenopodium album by the fungus Ascochyta caulina. Some of the factors which control dormancy and germination of Chenopodium album seeds have been investigated to understand better the weed population dynamics. The results showed that seeds from two populations (UK and Libya) differ in their response to factors such as light, chilling, and burying in soil. This could have implications for effective control of the weed in different regions. Two formulations of mycoherbicides (Tween 80 and Gelatine based applications) were tested in the laboratory, and showed promise in reducing growth of the weed, especially the formula of Tween 80. There was extensive shoot fresh and dry weight reduction of inoculated Chenopodium album, as well as reduced root growth. Highest disease severity rates were observed on plants in the first three week of life. A field trial revealed similar results but less disease severity was observed, possibly because of dry weather. However, it was concluded that the fungus Ascochyta caulina is a potentially useful biological control agent but many factors still can be modified in relation to application of the mycoherbicide to increase its efficacy.

Longtemps relégués à un rôle secondaire dans les études consacrées à la Cyrénaïque antique, les Libyens et les relations qu’ils ont entretenues avec les Grecs, puis les Romains, n’avaient été envisagés que sous le prisme de l’hellénisation et de la romanisation. En s’inscrivant dans le cadre de l’évolution historiographique qui, dans ces dernières décennies, s’est consacrée davantage à prendre en considération les deux acteurs de l’interaction, l’objectif de cette thèse est de comprendre comment la rencontre de deux milieux hétérogènes, restés en contact pendant plusieurs siècles, a donné lieu à des influences réciproques et dans quels domaines celles-ci sont apparues. Notre étude se limite aux frontières politiques de la zone d’influence grecque fixées par le diagramma de Ptolémée Ier à Authamalax (actuelle Bu Sceefa) à l’ouest et au Katabathmos Megas (actuelle Solloum) à l’est. Les limites chronologiques quant à elles, sont comprises entre la fondation de Cyrène vers 631 av. J.-C. et le déclin du paganisme au IVe s. ap. J.-C. Organisé en sept chapitres thématiques, le présent travail propose de mettre en perspective les influences réciproques qui se sont opérées entre les Gréco-Romains et les Libyens dans les domaines socio-politique, culturel, religieux et économique à partir des données archéologiques et historiques. / For a long time relegated to a secondary role in the studies of ancient Cyrenaica, Libyans and the relationships they had with Greeks, then Romans, had been considered only through the prism of hellenization and romanization. In joining the framework of the historiographical evolution, which in recent decades has devoted more to consider both interaction’s actors, the objective of this thesis is to understand how the meeting of two heterogeneous circles, kept in touch for several centuries, has resulted in reciprocal influences and in which domains they appeared. Our study is limited to the political boundaries of the greek influence’s area set by the diagramma of Ptolemy I to Authamalax (current Bu Sceefa) to the west and in Katabathmos Megas (current Sollum) to the east. As for the chronological limits, they are included between the foundation of Cyrene towards 631 B.C. and the paganism’s decline in the fourth century A.D. Organized into seven thematic chapters, the present work proposes to put into perspective the reciprocal influences that have occurred between Graeco-Romans and Libyans in the socio-political, cultural, religious and economic spheres from the archaeological and historical data.

The 1648 Peace of Westphalia created an understanding of state sovereignty free from external interference that remained largely unaltered until the last century. The horrors of the Holocaust and the significant humanitarian crises of the 20th century have presented the international community with a new type of threat to international peace and security and have sparked an ongoing conversation about the limitations of traditional sovereignty. Russia has positioned itself as a firm supporter of a strict adherence to the Westphalian concept of sovereignty, but my thesis argues that Russians do not value this interpretation as much as they claim to, and that in fact Moscow recognizes that this definition is a thing of the past. I examine Russian actions surrounding the 2011 UN-sanctioned intervention in Libya and the ongoing conflict in Syria, particularly focusing on the major differences between Russian decision-making in the two cases. I analyze transcripts of Security Council meetings in order to demonstrate that there is far more to Russian actions in Syria than Moscow’s public position suggests, and I subsequently offer a number of alternative explanations for Russian decision-making surrounding Syria. These alternative explanations demonstrate that even the Russians, who have portrayed themselves as the great defenders of traditional state sovereignty, recognize the modern limitations to strict Westphalian sovereignty and understand that this traditional definition is a thing of the past. This conclusion is significant because in demonstrating that traditional sovereignty’s greatest champion acknowledges the modern shift in the concept, I prove that the departure from strict Westphalian sovereignty is not merely a theory, but a reality.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-08-04T15:35:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Guimarães Lopes_.pdf: 1312159 bytes, checksum: 51ed46ba99ca78b3a7f2bd80bb502fe7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-04T15:35:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Guimarães Lopes_.pdf: 1312159 bytes, checksum: 51ed46ba99ca78b3a7f2bd80bb502fe7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-01-19 / Nenhuma / Esta dissertação de mestrado analisa a prática jornalística em áreas de guerra. Para isso, procuramos conhecer o percurso do trabalho de correspondentes de guerra das últimas décadas do século XIX até os primeiros 15 anos do presente século, identificando tensões e possíveis mutações na rotina e no perfil profissional com foco na experiência de jornalistas brasileiros na cobertura de conflitos. Como estudo de caso, analisamos a experiência de quatro repórteres brasileiros, Andrei Netto, de O Estado de S. Paulo, Samy Adghirni, da Folha de S. Paulo, Deborah Berlinck, de O Globo, e Humbertro Trezzi, de Zero Hora, que atuaram como correspondentes de guerra no confronto da Líbia, em 2011. A partir de entrevistas em profundidade com estes profissionais, funcionários de jornais de referência, buscamos tensionar suas vivências empíricas com teorias formuladas por pensadores fundamentais do jornalismo. A título de análise, criamos categorias: como tornar-se correspondente de guerra; a prática no exercício da produção jornalística; e reflexões que transcendem a prática. A fim de responder à pergunta “como a guerra afeta a prática jornalística”, refletimos sobre questões-chaves do jornalismo em áreas de guerra: diferenças entre uma cobertura local e na guerra; a relação jornalista-fonte e a entrevista; tecnologia; censura, autocensura e a questão do embedded; violência e risco de morrer. / This MA paper analyses the journalistic activity in war zones. For that matter, we've tried to know the track of the war correspondents activity in the last decades from the 19th century to the first 15 years of the present century, identifying tensions and possible mutations in these professional's profile as well as their routine focusing on the experience of Brazilian journalists while covering conflicts. As a Case Study, we analyzed the experience of four Brazilian reporters; O Estado de São Paulo's Andrei Netto, Folha de São Paulo's Samy Adghirni, O Globo's Deborah Berlinck, and Zero Hora's Humberto Trezzi, who worked as war correspondents in Libya's war in 2011. After thorough interviews with these professionals, who are reference where they work, we aimed to tension their empirical experience based on theories produced by thinkers who are of fundamental importance to Journalism. For analyzing it we created categories: How to Become a War Correspondent; The Practice of Exercising Journalistic Production; and Reflections that Go Beyond Practice. In order to answer the question "how does the war affect the journalistic practice", we think on journalism key-subjects in war zones: differences between local and war coverage; the journalist/source relation and the interview; technology; censorship, self-censorship and embedded question; violence and the putting life at risk.

En mars 2011, la communauté internationale s'est réunie pour soutenir les ambitions démocratiques des manifestants libyens et pour s'opposer vigoureusement à la violence perpétrée par Kadhafi contre son peuple. Nicolas Sarkzoy, président de la République française, a joué un rôle clé dans les négociations qui ont entraîné la mise en place d'une zone d'exclusion aérienne et le lancement d'une opération militaire pour protéger les populations civiles en Libye. Cette thèse examine les ambitions de Sarkozy et le leadership diplomatique qu'il a démontré entre le déclenchement des révoltes en Libye et le prise en charge de l'opération militaire par l'Otan. Elle analyse d'abord les grands thèmes qui influencent la politique étrangère française traditionnelle puis la politique étrangère menée par Sarkozy depuis le début de sa présidence pour mieux comprendre la vision que la France a de sa place dans le système international. Après avoir identifié les objectifs de la politique étrangère française en général et de la politique étrangère de Sarkozy, cette thèse explique les objectifs que Sarkozy voulait réaliser à travers ses actions diplomatiques vis-à-vis du conflit libyen ainsi que les moyens dont il s'est servi pour les réaliser. Elle trouve que les actions de Sarkozy représentent une tentative de réaffirmer la réputation de la France en tant que grande puissance diplomatique.

The aim of this study was to investigate the bio-climatic characteristics of traditional and contemporary residential architecture in three different climatic/geographical regions of Libya, which are represented by Tripoli in the &ldquo / coastal region&rdquo / Gharyan in the &ldquo / mountainous region&rdquo / and Ghadames in the &ldquo / desert region&rdquo / . It was undertaken to understand and evaluate the effects of building layout and orientation, wall thicknesses, ceiling height, construction materials, thermal mass and size of windows, on the resultant thermal comfort conditions of the buildings/dwellings in question. An architectural survey of the dwellings was carried out and indoor and outdoor photos of houses were taken. Temperature and humidity data in pre-determined rooms of the dwellings, in addition to data relevant to exterior weather conditions were recorded by thermo-hygrometers. Residents who had experience of living in both traditional and contemporary dwellings were interviewed informally before preparing a comprehensive questionnaire, which was distributed to them to gather the required data. It was found that traditional dwellings in Tripoli and Ghadames, in their present condition, did not provide the desired level of thermal comfort. This was attributed to a number of reasons. One was the abandonment of these dwellings by their occupants, in favor of those of modern style. The resulting collapse of some parts of adjacent house blocks, which used to provide a degree of protection against climatic conditions when working as a whole block of several attached houses. Another was the introduction of new construction materials that were incompatible with the original ones. However, traditional dwellings in both cities appeared to provide relatively better thermal comfort conditions in comparison with the use contemporary dwellings of recent years, except for those with air conditioning. This situation was different in Gharyan, where the troglodyte dwellings were concerned. These dwellings were thermally more comfortable than the modern ones in the city. This was attributed to the fact that most of the existing troglodyte dwellings still preserved their original features to a large extent. At length, this study recommends that modern types of dwellings should adapt those features of the traditional ones that are more compatible and suitable for the local climatic conditions, in a way which guarantees optimum exploitation of local resources in terms of energy consumption and cost.

The purpose of this thesis was to explore senior managers' perceptions of strategic management, with the specific context being the National Oil Corporation in Libya. As such it represents a ground-breaking study at PhD level. An extensive literature identified key themes and models of strategy formulation and strategic management, in particular Karami's model of strategic management (Karami, 2007) together with key factors influencing the processes involved. This led to a study of the Libyan NOC based on a two-stage research design, the first a survey involving two hundred and fifty two senior managers of whom seventy returned completed questionnaires and the second conducting twelve semi-structured follow up interviews to deepen the findings from the questionnaire with qualitative data. The findings of this thesis suggest that the Libyan NOC may have relied too heavily in the past on strategy formulation and strategic management as the preserve of a very few individuals at the very top of the organisation, as the role of the great majority of senior managers was limited to monitoring and high level supervision. It was found that although political directives set the strategy for the whole organisation, there was a gap in knowledge and understanding between the senior business managers and the political appointments to the Board. Recommendations for improving practice therefore concerned steps in the strategic management process and senior managers' effectiveness especially in the Board as a team. Recommendations for reflecting the Libyan NOC as an example of a state-owned enterprise in Karami's model were to include Board effectiveness as the first step, to add medium-term objectives and to include social responsibility in environmental scanning under external factors.

In the past three decades, the Chinese news media has experienced great leaps from a propaganda machine to market-oriented industry. Although the state has managed to strengthen the information control, heterogeneity in journalistic value orientations has constructed different media discourses. This thesis discusses the diversity within different news organizations in China, and the influence of state-media dynamics on the quality and role of journalism. Previous literature in the area of media-power relations fQ us on the general landscape of Chinese media shaped by the three forces: the state, the market and the professionalism while neglecting individual cases which contribute for the complexity of the intertwined mechanisms. Supported by the sociological theory of news production and concepts from international relations, this study uses a micro approach to examine the process of international news making in two newspapers. The arguments in this study are based on in-depth interviews with 25 journalists, participant observation, and textual analyses of news reports on Libya Crisis. This study has three major findings. Firstly, the intricate power relations of social forces within China's social context produces much space, as well as obstacles, for the professional practice of journalism. The liberal newspapers keep challenging the state and pushing the boundary of media autonomy while the party organs still serve for maintaining CCP's legitimacy but package the "old wine" in a new way. Secondly, the old Chinese ideology dominated by official communism has been broken up by the emergence of neo-conservatism, old and new-leftism, liberalism and other intellectual discourses which influence the government's decision-making on domestic and international issues. Accordingly, international news reports in newspapers with various interests are manifestations of the divides. Thirdly, the different value preference of newspapers decides the media behaviors. Some choose to speak for the party and help maintain existing social order, while some others serve for public interests. Although both of them practice self-censorship, the former enjoy commercial benefits from seeking refuge from the authority and the latter promote social development by using tactics in news reports. The discrepancy creates space for diversified discourses that added to the complexity of power structures in Chinese media.

Magister Legum - LLM (Public Law and Jurisprudence) / The international human rights architecture experienced a shift from states to individual rights within a state. This is mainly informed by the fact that states committed human rights atrocities against their own civilians. This necessitated a shift from an emphasis on sovereignty and noninterference to intervention on grave human rights violations. Article 2 of the UN Charter calls for respect of sovereignty and discourages the use of armed force against the territorial integrity of any state.1 To reinforce this position, the United Nations (UN) member states adopted the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine through the UN World Summit outcome document in 2005. This document effectively gave the international community the right to intervene into the affairs of a member state if the state is failing to halt human rights abuses within its territory.

Sedan andra världskrigets slut har internationell debatt förekommit angående hur internationellt bemötande bör ske då en främmande befolkning utsätts för våld och övergrepp av dess egen statsledning. Ofta har inom ramen för denna debatt normen om icke-intervention kommit att ställas mot ett globalt förespråkande av mänskliga rättigheter.Efter uppmaning av FN:s tidigare Generalsekreterare Kofi Annan, upprättades år 2000 International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty. Kommissionens arbete mynnade ut i en rapport benämnd The Responsibility to Protect, vilken syftar till att söka internationell konsensus kring möjligheten att genomföra intervention med humanitärt skydd som mål, samt rekommendationer om hur en sådan bör ske.Syftet med uppsatsen är att genom kvalitativ textanalys söka svar på i vilken omfattning rekommendationerna inom The Responsibility to Protect överensstämmer med internationellt agerande under den inomstatliga konflikten i Libyen 2011.Studiens resultat visar på att internationellt agerande från FN, dess medlemsländer samt internationella organisationer till viss del överensstämmer med rapportens förespråkade konflikthantering innan demonstrationer utbröt i Libyen. Vidare visar studien att internationellt agerande väl överensstämmer med The Responsibility to Protect´s rekommendationer, då de libyska demonstrationerna eskalerade och mynnade ut i en inomstatlig väpnad konflikt. / Since the end of the Second World War there has been an international debate on how to address conflictsituations, where foreign populations are victims of abuse by actions perpetrated by their own government. Thetraditional norm of non-intervention has been confronted with growing support of global perspectives of humanrights.After several pleas from the UN Secretary-General to form international consensus on interventions for humanprotection purposes, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty was formed in 2000.The commission’s work led to a report entitled The Responsibility to Protect. The report refers to a broadspectrum of recommendations on when and how intervention for human protection purposes should beauthorized and carried out.This study aims, through a qualitative text analysis, to find the extent to which international actions towardsLibya during 2011, complies with guidelines given within The Responsibility to Protect.The result shows partial conformable actions from international actors in an initial phase, and after Libyaprotests escaladed in early 2011, the study indicates that international measures and actions seems to reflect amajor part of recommendations given within the scope of The Responsibility to Protect.