Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Arquitetura e Urbanismo, 2007. / Submitted by Larissa Ferreira dos Angelos (ferreirangelos@gmail.com) on 2010-01-05T17:33:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_MonicaAndreaBlanco.PDF: 3087436 bytes, checksum: e0deec83498cbde036891bd61aced2bc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Carolina Campos(carolinacamposmaia@gmail.com) on 2010-01-05T20:11:12Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_MonicaAndreaBlanco.PDF: 3087436 bytes, checksum: e0deec83498cbde036891bd61aced2bc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2010-01-05T20:11:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_MonicaAndreaBlanco.PDF: 3087436 bytes, checksum: e0deec83498cbde036891bd61aced2bc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-06-27 / Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo das condições espaciais arquitetônicas das Escolas Inclusivas (EI) do Distrito Federal (DF) para Portadores de Baixa Visão (PBV) quanto ao Conforto Luminoso e Apreensão Espacial entendidos como elementos para inclusão escolar. A arquitetura das escolas públicas construídas no DF até o ano de 2005 não foi concebida com a proposta de inclusão e visava apenas o cumprimento do programa espacial estabelecido pelas normas vigentes locais e/ou da Associação Brasileira de Normas Técnicas – ABNT, quanto a índices gerais de conforto térmico, acústico e luminoso e acessibilidade. Esta pesquisa analisa alguns ambientes escolares de uma Escola Inclusiva Pública (SQS 410), a partir das necessidades especiais específicas de conforto luminoso e apreensão espacial para a aprendizagem dos alunos Portadores de Baixa Visão. Verificando-se que a concepção dos ambientes escolares atuais não atende às necessidades físicas para promoção da inclusão social através da inclusão escolar, propõe-se subsídios para reforma de projetos atuais semelhantes e para o projeto arquitetônico de novas edificações escolares inclusivas. _______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / This dissertation presents a study of the architectural spatial conditions of the inclusive Schools (IS) of the Federal District (FD) for Low Vision Carriers (LVC), as to Luminous Comfort and Spatial Apprehension, understood as elements to school inclusion. The architecture of public schools built in the FD until 2005 was not conceived with a inclusion proposal and aimed only at the fulfillment of the spatial program established by the local regulations and/or the Brazilian Association of Technical Regulations - ABNT, as to general index of thermal, acoustic and luminous comfort and accessibility This dissertation analyzes some school environments of a Public Inclusive School (SQS 410), from the specific special needs of luminous comfort and spatial apprehension for the learning of Low Vision Carriers students. It was verified that the conception of current school environments do not serve the physical needs for the promotion of social inclusion through school inclusion, so subsidies for reform of similar current projects and architectural project of new inclusive school buildings are considered.

O presente estudo aborda as possibilidades artísticas e expressivas da luz, a partir da realização de laboratórios, onde estímulos luminosos foram especialmente concebidos no sentido de afetar a percepção de um peformer e sua consequente criação de movimento. Assim, tanto o processo criativo do iluminador, enquanto criador do estímulo, quanto aquele do perfomer encontram-se aqui examinados. A reflexão que acompanhou todo o processo empírico esteve nutrida por aspectos do comportamento da luz dentro dos campos da ótica física e alguns princípios do pensamento fenomenológico de Merleau-Ponty. / The recent study discusses the artistic and expressive possibilities of light, based on laboratory experiments, where the stimulus of light were specially created in order to affect the perception of a performer and his movement creation. This way, both the scenic lighting creative process, as the creator of the stimulus, and the performer are here discussed. The reflexion that followed the entire empirical process, was nurtured by the aspects of the behavior of the light inside the field of optical physics and some principles of the phenomenological thought of Merleau-Ponty.

Esse trabalho é uma análise do Relatório Final da Comissão da Verdade e Reconciliação do Peru (CVR) e problematiza o tratamento dado pela Comissão na avaliação dos impactos da luta armada do Partido Comunista do Peru - Sendero Luminoso (PCP-SL) e da resposta do Estado peruano a ela. A referência territorial do nosso trabalho é a serra sul central andina, particularmente o departamento de Ayacucho. Essa é uma das regiões de maior população quéchua-falante do país, é o local onde o PCP-SL surgiu e concentrou suas ações, sobretudo nos primeiros seis anos da década de 1980, e onde o conflito deixou mais vítimas e teve uma dinâmica mais acentuada de violência. Por este motivo, o foco deste trabalho é a questão indígena a partir da pergunta: de que modo ela é apresentada no Relatório Final da CVR? Para interpretar o Relatório, realizamos uma análise do discurso a partir de uma contextualização histórica e comparada do documento, e pela seleção de uma série de categorias-chave relacionadas ao horizonte étnico-racial colonial da sociedade peruana: índio, indígena, camponês(a), mestiço(a), misti e cholo(a). Como estratégias complementares para levantar e sintetizar outro tipo de dados e informações foram feitas duas viagens de campo ao Peru. A criação e o trabalho da Comissão têm uma importância histórica evidente no contexto latino-americano. Seu Relatório deve ser apreciado como ponto de partida importante para novas hipóteses, trabalhos de campo e na construção coletiva e popular de projetos de país que sejam plurais e democráticos. Quanto à questão indígena, o Relatório Final é produto de décadas de disputa de posições políticas e intelectuais, e como tal apresenta avanços, potencialidades, contradições e limites. A invisibilização dos povos indígenas andinos e o obscurecimento da questão remetem mais, portanto, a problemas próprios desses debates que antecedem à Comissão. A CVR localiza-se em um contexto de esgotamento dos discursos de mestiçagem como aposta das elites políticas e intelectuais para resolver a questão nacional pendente, mas situa-se em um momento que a valorização e o reconhecimento das diferenças como potencialidade na construção de um Estado popular e democrático é limitada / This work aims to analyze the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Peru (CVR in Portuguese), and discusses the Commission\'s treatment of the impacts of the armed struggle of the Communist Party of Peru - Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso, PCP-SL) and the response of the Peruvian state for it. The territorial reference of our report is the southern Andean mountain range, particularly the department of Ayacucho. This region has one of the largest Quechua-speaking population in the country, it is where PCP-SL emerged and concentrated its actions, overall in the first six years of the 1980s, when the conflict left more victims and was more violent. For this reason, the focus of this work is the indigenous issue based on the question: howis it presented in the CVR Final Report? In order to interpret the Report, a discourse analysis was conducted on a historical and comparative contextualization of the document, and the selection of categories related to the ethnic-racial colonial horizon of Peruvian society: Indian, indigenous, peasant, mestizo, misti and cholo. Two field trips to Peru were made in order to complement strategies to collect and synthesize other data and information. The creation and work of the Commission have historic importance in the Latin American context. Its Report should be appreciated as an important starting point for new hypotheses, fieldwork and the collective and popular construction of plural and democratic country projects. As for the indigenous issue, the Final Report is the product of decades of dispute over political and intellectual positions, and as such, it presents advances, potentialities, contradictions and limits. The invisibility of the Andean indigenous people and the obscuring of the issue are, therefore, more akin to the problems inherent in these debates which preceded the Commission. The CVR is in a context of the depletion of mestizaje discourses as a bet by the political and intellectual elites to solve the pending national question, but it is at a time when the valorization and recognition of differences as potentialities in the construction of a Popular and democratic state is limited

El objetivo del estudio presente es investigar la situación existente (o inexistente) del etnicismo en el Perú, es decir, los movimientos sociales que hacen resistencia poniendo de manifiesto su pertenencia étnica. La pregunta de investigación del estudio es la siguiente: ¿Por qué no han tenido éxito los movimientos étnicos en el Perú, cuando estos movimientos en los países vecinos (Bolivia y Ecuador), se caracterizan por grandes eclosiones? En la década de los 90 se ha visto un progreso vital entre los movimientos étnicos en América Latina. Este cambio se ha dado especialmente en Bolivia y Ecuador, donde los movimientos indígenas (que son un tipo de movimiento étnico) han llegado a afectar la política nacional en los dos países. Sin embargo en el Perú no ha surgido una movilización indígena de igual importancia, a pesar de compartir muchas de las condiciones políticas y geográficas con estos dos países. Por esta razón, resulta importante investigar cuál es la situación de los movimientos étnicos en el Perú y qué factores son relevantes para entender esta situación. Para poder analizar el tema, hacemos uso de fuentes secundarias incluyendo teorías sobre etnicidad, el surgimiento de movimientos étnicos, así como sobre el término “indio/indígena”, que luego aplicamos en el contexto de los movimientos étnicos en el Perú. Finalmente concluimos que el escaso éxito de los movimientos étnicos en el Perú ha sido producto de varios factores: el neoliberalismo, la guerra civil (1980-1992), y la identificación clasista. Cada uno de estos factores, sin embargo, no parece ser suficiente para impedir que surja un movimiento étnico, sino la clave está en la combinación.

Los últimos veinte años del siglo XX constituyeron uno de los episodios más trágicos de la historia del Perú. La lucha armada desencadenada por el Partido Comunista del Perú-Sendero Luminoso y la respuesta violenta del Estado dejaron como resultado decenas de miles de muertos y desaparecidos, víctimas de torturas, secuestros y otras formas de violación de los derechos humanos. La hipótesis de esta monografía sostiene que la población campesina del departamento de Ayacucho sufrío de forma extrema la violencia política. Se investiga por qué este sector de la población fué duramente castigada y de qué manera y en qué magnitud los derechos humanos de los campesinos e indígenas ayacuchanos se vieron afectados por una violencia que no se dió en ninguna otra parte del Perú. Los resultados de este análisis demuestran que la población rural de Ayacucho fué el grupo social más afectado por la guerra interna durante el período de violencia entre los años 1980 y 2000. Entre las causas que contribuyeron a este trágico descenlace están el abandono social y económico de esta región, la diferencia étnica y cultural que existía entre los grupos involucrados en la guerra interna, asimismo las medidas contrasubversivas tomadas por los gobiernos que no hacian diferencia entre los rebeldes y la población civil. Por otro lado, el método impositivo de reclutamiento y adoctrinamiento de las masas campesinas por Sendero Luminoso también contribuyó al desarrollo de la violencia.

Latin American literature can be characterized by its narrative styles and literary techniques to expose political instability, subversive movements and human rights violations. In South America, specifically in Peru, contemporary narrative and film depicts the guerra interna between the subversive movement, Sendero Luminoso, and the Peruvian government and its impact on the developing country. This study focuses on three texts --Mario Vargas Llosa\'s Lituma en los Andes (1993), Iván Thays\' Un lugar llamado Oreja de Perro (2008), and Santiago Roncagliolo\'s Abril rojo (2006)-- and two contemporary films --Claudia Llosa\'s Madeinusa (2006) and La teta asustada (2009). These works stay within the broader trajectory of Peruvian narrative and film\'s portrayal of the guerra interna. However, these works deviate from the norm by focusing on the indigenous populations\' involvement and subsequent consequences. This study examines how language, spirituality and violence dehumanizes the Peruvian indigenous during Peru\'s efforts at modernization. / Master of Arts

Despite being outnumbered, underfunded, and militarily weaker than the state-backed armed forces they challenge, insurgents have continually mounted long-term challenges. To that end, the puzzle on which many conflict scholars have focused their efforts is that of insurgent war duration. The theory posited in this dissertation claims the capacity of insurgents to survive wartime is a function of choices made before large-scale dyadic conflict erupted––or during a time period I call incubation. Using qualitative case studies of Latin American insurgencies such as Sendero Luminoso and the FMLN, I demonstrate the capacity to endure conflict long-term was a direct correlate of both type and length of their prewar preparation. Incubation was used to set up processes for recruitment, procuring resources from durable networks, and coordinating personnel. After controlling for standard explanations, I also offer statistical evidence that insurgent incubation duration is statistically significant and positively related to conflict duration. The theory and empirical evidence presented here provides a new approach for explaining insurgent war duration. / Political Science

My dissertation focuses on a subset of non-lethal violence, particularly the maiming and lasting scars of what I term “communicative violence.” I define communicative violence as non-lethal violence that leaves physical and visible marks with lasting legacy effects (i.e., scars or physical ailments that can serve as signals until the victim’s death). This project builds a theory of communicative violence and offers empirical evidence from 15 months of field research conducted in Peru on the internal armed conflict with Sendero Luminoso from 1980-2000. I argue that a combination of cultural differences, lack of state capacity, and rugged terrain helps to explain the prevalence of communicative violence. A recent development in the study of civil wars is the explosion of micro-level research, which makes an empirical move toward subnational research designs. One of these developments revolves around the conceptual disaggregation of violence and conflict. While this vein of research is primarily focused on the patterns of homicidal violence, as distinct from the logic of conflict in general, the specific issue of communicative violence has gone largely unnoticed in the discipline. Thus, my project seeks to fill that void. / Political Science

La presente investigación tiene por objetivo, conocer las alternativas pacíficas ante la violencia política, que se plantean los exmilitantes del PCP-SL que participaron en ella. Es una investigación cualitativa, de nivel descriptivo, realizada mediante el método fenomenológico. Así se realizaron siete entrevistas en profundidad a exmilitantes del PCP SL, quienes no se encuentran vinculados actualmente a una ideología senderista. Se tuvo en cuenta los aspectos éticos, relacionados a la investigación y en especial al tema de estudio.Para ello resulta necesario conocer previamente a los exmilitantes del PCP-SL que se plantean las alternativas, de tal modo que se aborda el proceso de construcción y deconstrucción del militante del PCP-SL, hasta su desvinculación, tras ello se presentan las alternativas para la construcción de la paz social que estos últimos se plantean. Así se parte por el perdón la restauración del tejido social, de otro lado se plantea el acompañamiento psicosocial como un espacio de rehumanización. De otro lado, se plantean estrategias de retribución y restauración comunitarias, así como acuerdos de reinserción comunitaria. Se plantea también la apertura de espacios de inserción social, así como el fortalecimiento institucional del Estado y una construcción conjunta de las verdades. / This research aims to make peaceful alternatives to political violence that the PCP -SL ex-militants who participated in it are raised. It is a qualitative, descriptive level, realized by the phenomenological method. So seven interviews were conducted to ex-militants of the PCP -SL, who are not currently attach to a senderista ideology. Ethical issues related to research and especially the topic of study were important for the present research.This is necessary to know the ex-militants of the PCP-SL than the alternatives, so that the process of construction and deconstruction of the PCP-SL militant is addressed, until their separation, after that the alternatives presented to arise building social peace latter arise. So forgiveness is partly restoring the social fabric, the other side of the psychosocial support as a space rehumanization arises. On the other hand, arise strategies communitys of retribution and restoration, and community reintegration agreements. Also proposed opening spaces for social insertion, institutional strengthening of the state and the joint construction of truths. / Tesis

En los últimos años, la mayoría de los sentenciados por terrorismo han cumplido sus sentencias en prisión y se han reintegrado a la sociedad. En dicho proceso, se ha constatado que existen diversas trayectorias. Por este motivo, la presente investigación tiene como objetivo identificar las razones de algunos sentenciados por terrorismo de continuar o abandonar el PCP-SL durante el periodo del posconflicto en Lima. En ese sentido, lo que explica la permanencia en el PCP-SL es que, durante el encarcelamiento en la década de 1980, se desarrollaron lealtades entre los miembros de la organización y con el partido que sedimentaron el compromiso de los militantes con el PCP-SL. Además, durante el posconflicto, han encontrado en la participación dentro de los grupos afines al PCP-SL un mecanismo en el que afianzan su identidad política. Consideran que, en algún momento, llegará la “sociedad de la gran armonía” y continúan en la organización. De otro lado, el desvinculamiento del PCP-SL inició a fines de la década de 1990, cuando se produjo un conflicto entre los militantes de rangos bajos y la dirigencia en Castro Castro. Sin embargo, aún no se consideraban fuera de la organización, este proceso culminaría cuando se reintegraron a la sociedad. Se decepcionaron del proyecto del Movadef y consideraron que Abimael Guzmán era el principal responsable de la derrota del PCP-SL durante el conflicto y de los errores del Movadef. Los exmilitantes interpretan su salida de la organización como un acto coherente con los ideales por los que lucharon, ya que, permanecer en el PCP-SL sería continuar bajo el liderazgo de una persona que habría traicionado a la línea del partido. / In recent years, the majority of those convicted of terrorism have served their prison sentences and have been reintegrated into society. In this process, it has been confirmed that they followed various trajectories. Therefore, the present research aims to identify the reasons of some convicted of terrorism for continuing or leaving the PCP-SL during the post-conflict period in Lima. Thus, what explains the permanence in the PCP-SL is that, during the incarceration in the 1980s, loyalties had been developed among the members of the movement and with the party that established the militants' commitment to the PCP-SL. In addition, during the post-conflict, they have found in the participation within the groups related to the PCP-SL a mechanism in which they strengthen their political identity. They considere that, at some point, the “society of great harmony” will arrive and they stay in the organization. Furthermore, the disengagement from the PCP-SL began in the late 1990s, when there was a dispute between lower-ranking militants and the leadership in Castro Castro. However, they were not yet considered outside the organization, this process would culminate when they were reintegrated into society. They were disappointed of the Movadef project and considered that Abimael Guzmán was primarily responsible for the defeat of the PCP-SL during the armed conflict and for the mistakes of the Movadef. The ex-militants interpret their departure from the organization as an act consistent with the ideals for which they fought, since to remain in the PCP-SL would be to continue under the leadership of a person who would have betrayed the party line.