Thesis (Ph. D.)--State University of New York at Binghamton, Political Science Department, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references.

This study aims to investigate how the mechanisms of discrimination, othering, prejudice and enemy imaging work in conflict and non-conflict zones. The study further explored if the informants stories differ when in conflict zones. Enemy images theories were used as the theoretical base to investigate how the Somali majorities construct the enemy image of the Somali minorities (The Somali Bantusand the occupational groups). The aim and research questions are answered through a comparative case study that focuses on interviewing two Somali minority groups (occupational groups and the Bantu Somalis) who have the experience and lived both in Somalia (conflict context) and Somaliland (non conflict context). The result sof the study show that the majority of Somali clans use the delimitation between “them and us” a set of values that separate the two groups and characterize the minority groups as slaves and people of low social, economic, and political status. The majority groups perceive the minority groups as a threat to their assets and corevalues. This is what has been described as "our" and "their" essence, and the final aim, which is to legitimize violence, is clear in the data. While on the other hand, the majority groups referred to themselves as superior. The results indicated that there were no differences and only similarities in the narratives of the minority groups living in both conflict and non-conflict zones. This was an interesting discovery which was against the known and expected ideal. This thesis also suggests other ways of looking at the concept of enemy images suggesting further areas of research where deemed necessary.

Reza a literatura neo-institucionalista que as normas que regem um processo decisório terão grande influência sobre o resultado final. Isto vale também para Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-1988. Não fosse assim um agrupamento de parlamentares descontentes com o andamento dos trabalhos constituintes não teria insurgido com uma proposta para a reformulação do Regimento Interno após quase um ano de funcionamento. Entender a importância do arcabouço institucional para as disputas políticas e o resultado final da ANC éa questão central desta dissertação. Desta forma, pretende-seresponder a seguinte pergunta: quais os efeitos tanto das normas que regularam o processo de formação/convocação da ANC, quanto do seu regimento que foi alterado ao longo dos trabalhos sobre o resultado final? O modelo de constituinte aprovado na convocação (congressual e não exclusiva) e o formato dos trabalhos constituintes (descentralização em subcomissões e comissões temáticas) foram amplamente contestados e disputados pelas consequências que os atores políticos antecipavam ou projetavam sobre elas. Os atores políticos sempre sabem que regras afetam resultados. Resta saber se eles sempre anteciparam corretamentee, para tanto, é possívelatentar para como eles se comportaram. Com o intuito de aprofundar o debate sobre a interação estratégica noprocesso constituinte, são analisadas as votações nominais no plenário da Constituinte para compreender como atores coletivos organizam preferências, reunindo maiorias em disputas políticas radicalizadas. / According to the new institutionalist literature, the rules regulating a decision making process play great influence on its final result. Thisassumption applies to the 1987-1988 National Constituent Assembly (NCA). Otherwise, a group of legislators dissatisfied with the works course would not have risen with a proposal to reform the Internal Rules after two years of Assembly. The main goal of this work is tocomprehend the importance of the institutional structure for the political contests and the final result of the NCA. Thus, I aim to answer the following question: what are the effects of the rules regulating the convocation of the NCA, as well as the rules regulating its works which have changed during theprocess on the final results? The constitution-making design approved at the beginning (a congressional one instead of an exclusive one) and the organization form of the works (decentralized in thematic commissions) were largely contested because of the consequences political actors were anticipating and looking forward to, since they are always aware of the rule´s impact. The question is whether or not they anticipated it correctly, and for such it is possible to watch how they have behaved. Attempting to deepen the debate about strategic interaction on the constitutional process, the roll calls will be analyzed in order to understand how collective actors organize their preferences, building majorities in radicalized political contests.

Reza a literatura neo-institucionalista que as normas que regem um processo decisório terão grande influência sobre o resultado final. Isto vale também para Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-1988. Não fosse assim um agrupamento de parlamentares descontentes com o andamento dos trabalhos constituintes não teria insurgido com uma proposta para a reformulação do Regimento Interno após quase um ano de funcionamento. Entender a importância do arcabouço institucional para as disputas políticas e o resultado final da ANC éa questão central desta dissertação. Desta forma, pretende-seresponder a seguinte pergunta: quais os efeitos tanto das normas que regularam o processo de formação/convocação da ANC, quanto do seu regimento que foi alterado ao longo dos trabalhos sobre o resultado final? O modelo de constituinte aprovado na convocação (congressual e não exclusiva) e o formato dos trabalhos constituintes (descentralização em subcomissões e comissões temáticas) foram amplamente contestados e disputados pelas consequências que os atores políticos antecipavam ou projetavam sobre elas. Os atores políticos sempre sabem que regras afetam resultados. Resta saber se eles sempre anteciparam corretamentee, para tanto, é possívelatentar para como eles se comportaram. Com o intuito de aprofundar o debate sobre a interação estratégica noprocesso constituinte, são analisadas as votações nominais no plenário da Constituinte para compreender como atores coletivos organizam preferências, reunindo maiorias em disputas políticas radicalizadas. / According to the new institutionalist literature, the rules regulating a decision making process play great influence on its final result. Thisassumption applies to the 1987-1988 National Constituent Assembly (NCA). Otherwise, a group of legislators dissatisfied with the works course would not have risen with a proposal to reform the Internal Rules after two years of Assembly. The main goal of this work is tocomprehend the importance of the institutional structure for the political contests and the final result of the NCA. Thus, I aim to answer the following question: what are the effects of the rules regulating the convocation of the NCA, as well as the rules regulating its works which have changed during theprocess on the final results? The constitution-making design approved at the beginning (a congressional one instead of an exclusive one) and the organization form of the works (decentralized in thematic commissions) were largely contested because of the consequences political actors were anticipating and looking forward to, since they are always aware of the rule´s impact. The question is whether or not they anticipated it correctly, and for such it is possible to watch how they have behaved. Attempting to deepen the debate about strategic interaction on the constitutional process, the roll calls will be analyzed in order to understand how collective actors organize their preferences, building majorities in radicalized political contests.

In the decade of the 1830's, Alexis de Tocqueville published a perceptive analysis of America in the Jacksonian era, which focused upon the customs, manners and intellectual habits of its citizens, and their social condition as seen through its political institutions. He advanced the proposition--a paradox of democracy--that equality of condition was as compatible with tyranny as with freedom. The social consensus, which stemmed from the wide acceptance of doctrine of equality and common wants and interests, when brought to bear upon legislator and judge, public official, juryman, and the non-conforming individual, he termed the "tyranny of the majority."

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Hugo Thomas de Araujo Albuquerque.pdf: 975231 bytes, checksum: 9c4296c75aa4942ce2ad10aab42b8b24 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The problem addressed in the tension between majority rule and the protection of minorities in Brazilian Democracy Contemporary it is an very important issue for the brazilian Constitutional Law, even though the 1998 Brazilian Fundamental Law establishes a salutary rights system and warrants, including , protection of minorities, but, at the same time, it has a political order based on majority vote. This paradox reveals a cleavage within the constitutional system, which raises several questions: as a constitutional political system based on this principle can both realize the rights of minorities? Or, more accurately, what they are majorities and minorities? How can relate within a democratic regime? What would a democracy? What is the role of sovereign power? Raising such issues and raise possible ways of understanding is objective of this dissertation / O problema abordado em A Tensão Entre a Regra Da Maioria e a Proteção das Minorias na Democracia Brasileira Contemporânea se trata de um item caro ao Direito Constitucional pátrio, muito embora a Lei Maior de 1988 estabeleça um salutar sistema de direitos e garantias fundamentais voltado, inclusive, à proteção das minorias, mas ao mesmo tempo possui uma ordem política fundada no princípio majoritário. Tal paradoxo revela uma clivagem no interior do sistema constitucional, o que suscita várias questões: como um sistema político constitucional fundado em tal princípio pode ao mesmo tempo realizar os direitos das minorias? Ou, mais precisamente, o que são maiorias e minorias? Como podem se relacionar no seio de um regime democrático? O que seria uma democracia? Qual o papel do poder soberano? Levantar tais questões e suscitar possíveis caminhos de entendimento é objetivo da presente dissertação.

This thesis addresses a significant knowledge gap in the existing literature on bias-crime, which primarily focuses on minorities while neglecting the experiences of majorities. The primary objective of this study is to shed light on bias-crimes targeting majorities and compare their impact on fear of crime with those experienced by minorities. By analysing data from a sample of 1,616 victims, this research reveals that both minority and majority bias-crime victims exhibit similar patterns in terms of fear of crime. Notably, both groups experience heightened levels of fear compared to victims of non-bias crimes, with no significant difference observed between the two. Moreover, this study identifies several factors associated with fear of crime in both minority and majority victims, including recent victimisation, intersectionality, indirect victimisation, and the presence of visibility/visual identifiers. Although this thesis initially aimed to identify differences between the two groups, it ultimately found striking similarities. The discussion section critically examines the potential role of methodological limitations in shaping these findings and offers insights into their implications. By addressing this research gap, this thesis contributes to the criminological field by offering a more comprehensive understanding of bias-crime and its impact on fear of crime among both minority and majority populations.

After South Africa’s democratisation in 1994, the areas which had been deemed “only for whites” within the City of Johannesburg Metropolitan Municipality (CoJ) were opened to all citizens. These changes attracted a high in-migration of people seeking better living in the CoJ. This influx not only challenged the provision of employment but also impacted negatively on the availability of land and housing and on the maintenance of safety and security by the police. Lack of accommodation forced immigrants to squat in the open spaces (including in the greenbelts) within the CoJ. A literature review provided an understanding of this problem locally and internationally. Semi-structured interviews were also conducted with the affected stakeholders. The findings showed that the measures needed to combat the causes of illegal squatting are beyond police control. The involvement of departments such as Human Development, Labour, Home Affairs and Environmental Management is needed for a successful solution to the problem. / Police Practice / M. Tech.(Policing)

After South Africa’s democratisation in 1994, the areas which had been deemed “only for whites” within the City of Johannesburg Metropolitan Municipality (CoJ) were opened to all citizens. These changes attracted a high in-migration of people seeking better living in the CoJ. This influx not only challenged the provision of employment but also impacted negatively on the availability of land and housing and on the maintenance of safety and security by the police. Lack of accommodation forced immigrants to squat in the open spaces (including in the greenbelts) within the CoJ. A literature review provided an understanding of this problem locally and internationally. Semi-structured interviews were also conducted with the affected stakeholders. The findings showed that the measures needed to combat the causes of illegal squatting are beyond police control. The involvement of departments such as Human Development, Labour, Home Affairs and Environmental Management is needed for a successful solution to the problem. / Police Practice / M. Tech.(Policing)