Projects are a common method in the work of closing the gap between the majority society and the Roma people. As a national minority in Sweden, the Roma people are entitled to certain rights of participation within this work. This thesis aims to analyze five projects, meant to work towards the Roma people’s inclusion, to answer how the concepts of empowerment and intersectionality are expressed or implicitly embodied within them. It is also questioned how the projects have considered the Roma people’s perceptions of their own situation and context. By using content analysis together with the theoretical framework, it is possible to bring light to these concepts, as well as to find key variables in order to answer the research questions. The main findings show that while the projects lacked in using an intersectional approach, the concept has important analytical tools which could be helpful in order to include the vulnerable persons within the Roma groups and to work with more sensitive issues. Some levels of empowerment is also found in the projects, both as a goal and as a means.However, in order to empower the Roma people, the majority society would have to give more decision power to the group. Thus the projects have not reached the potential they could have had in contributing to the shift which has been set in motion towards letting the Roma people develop the perspective of the work as well as be part of the execution.

The Republic of Kosovo’s self-declared multiethnic society has strived to construct an inclusive attitude and tolerating spirit toward all communities within. This study has explored how group-differentiated rights are used to construct identity and multiethnicity in relation to European integration in four official documents using the research questions; how is the production of identity and multiethnicity through group-differentiated rights in Kosovo constructed in the documents and related to EU integration; and how has the EU accession process affected the construction of multiethnicity and identity in Kosovo’s documents on minorities relating to group-differentiated rights? An ethnographic content analysis and comparative design, with a social constructivist perspective, grasping the constituents of group-differentiated rights concerning exclusive rights granted to minorities employed to develop, and safeguard identities was applied. The key findings have demonstrated that the development of group-differentiated rights through multiethnicity and identity relating to EU accession and integration may be considered mutually constitutive, creating a path for Kosovo's future EU membership and a sustainable multiethnic society founded on democracy and the rule of law. Although, Kosovo has demonstrated a readiness to adjust and adhere to EU directives, adequate implementation of minority and human rights is the first and primary step toward EU membership.

The purpose of this study was to determine the racial awareness of majority group member students at East Tennessee State University (ETSU) and factors related to racial awareness. Seven research questions and five hypotheses were examined. The Oklahoma Racial Attitudes Survey-Preliminary Form (ORAS-P) was used to identify the racial awareness of White students enrolled at ETSU during the fall of 1999. Forty-six classes were surveyed obtaining a sample totaling 395 students. In addition to completing the ORAS-P, students in the sample were asked the following demographic questions: gender, age, city and state of birth, name and location of high school from which they graduated, race, parents occupation and highest level of education, annual family income, college classification, number of core classes that have a diversity component completed at ETSU, and the nature of contact they have had with someone of a different race. Once the students' racial awareness levels were determined, t-tests and analysis of variance (ANOVA) were used to test for differences between subgroups on the ORAS-P. Results showed that annual family income and contact with minorities were significantly related to racial awareness while the percentage of minorities in the high school the respondent graduated from and the number of core classes having a diversity component completed at ETSU were not related to racial awareness. Hierarchical multiple regression was used to determine how effectively the independent variables could predict one's level of racial awareness. Analysis showed that the variables of age, gender, annual family income, and contact (with minorities) were the most significant predictors of racial awareness.

This study critically and systematically analyses the purported democratic values of freedom and equality with a view to clarifying the meaning of the concepts of democracy, freedom and equality; and examining the nature of the relations between kinds of freedom and kinds of equality, their association with democracy, and assessing their reconcilability within the two broad schools of democratic theory, namely, Anglo American democratic theory and Continental democratic theory. Put slightly differently, the issue is whether freedom and equality are mutually compatible or incompatible within democratic contexts. The analysis necessitates exploring the possible reason or reasons for the reconcilability or incompatibility of freedom and equality. Hence, the arguments in democratic literature relevant to the meanings of freedom and equality, and the relations between them will be examined. The first set of arguments concern the question of whether kinds of freedom endanger kinds of equality, and conversely, whether kinds of equality erode or hamper kinds of freedom. The relation existing between freedom and equality, and equality and freedom, in both instances purport to demonstrate the tension existing between them in theory as well as in practice. The second set of arguments concern the question of whether kinds of freedom promote kinds of equality, and conversely, whether kinds of equality further kinds of freedom. The relation in both instances is deemed to demonstrate the affinity between freedom and equality, and equality and freedom. An attempt will thus be made to address the issue of the seemingly confusing array of meanings of democracy, freedom and equality, and the potentially problematic relations between them, and particularly those between freedom and equality as represented by the two sets of arguments within appropriate democratic contexts. The study will endeavour to examine the analytic and synthetic interplay of meanings and relations, their nature and compatibility or incompatibility, and the possible reasons for this state of affairs, in an attempt to identify and address the perceived misapprehensions concerning their meanings and relations in democratic literature. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (Politics)

Text in Afrikaans / Daar is 'n toenemende bewuswording van die noodsaaklikheid van effektiewe beskerming vir minderhede. Die rede vir hierdie toenemende erkenning aan die behoefte aan minderheidsbeskerming is waarskynlik toe te skryf aan die beset dat dit nie alleen die minderheidsaandeelhouers is wat skade ly in geval van benadelende optrede nie, maar ook die ekonomie. Maatskappye word ingevolge die beginsel van meerderheidsbewind bestuur, met die gevolg dat die minderheid onderworpe is aan die wil van die meerderheid. Die minderheid kan hulself hierdeur in 'n onbenydenswaardige posisie bevind, veral indien die meerderheid hul mag aanwend om hul eie belange te bevorder. Gemeenregtelik is die reel in Foss v Harbottle 'n struikelblok vir minderheidsaandeelhouers wat gedingvoering beoog. In 'n poging om die gebrekkige gemeenregtelike beskerming van minderhede te ondervang, is bepaalde statutere maatreels ingevoer. Die evaluasie van hierdie maatreels geskied aan die hand van 'n regsvergelykende ondersoek na verskeie buitelandse stelsels, waarvan die van Nieu-Seeland en Kanada uit staan vanwee die innoverende aard van hul statutere beskermingsmaatreels. Die gevolgtrekking is dat die beskerming wat die Suid-Afrikaanse statutere maatreels aan minderhede bied, onbevredigend is om verskeie redes. Eerstens is hierdie maatreels dikwels te eng bewoord wat daartoe lei dat die aanwendingsveld van die maatreels beperk is. Tweedens hou die maatreels nie tred met ontwikkelings elders in die wereld en veranderende omstandighede en behoeftes in die praktyk nie. Derdens ontbreek goed geformuleerde remedies wat aanvullend tot artikel 252 van die Wet sal wees. Daar is verder bevind dat ad hocwysigings van bestaande maatreels nie die gewenste resultaat gaan bereik nie en 'n algehele hervorming van die Suid-Afrikaanse maatskappyereg word aanbeveel. Ten slotte word konkrete voorstelle in die vorm van konsepwetgewing gemaak en word vergesel van verduidelikende notas. Hierdie wetgewing is hoofsaaklik aan die hand van die Nieu-Seelandse en Kanadese modelle geformuleer. / There is a growing awareness of the need for effective protection of minority shareholders. This can probably be ascribed to the acknowledgement of the fact that prejudicial conduct harms not only minority shareholders, but also the economy at large. Companies are governed by the principle of majority rule; consequently the minority is subjected to the will of the majority. This often places the minority in an invidious position, especially when the majority use their power to further their own interests. The rule in Foss v Harbottle presents a stumbling block to minority shareholder action. Certain statutory measures have been introduced in an effort to counter defective minority protection. These statutory measures are evaluated in the light of a comparative study of several foreign jurisdictions, the most prominent of which are New Zealand and Canada, because of the innovative nature of the measures which they employ. The conclusion arrived at is that, for various reasons, the protection afforded minorities by the South African statutory measures is unsatisfactory. Firstly, the wording of these measures is narrowly construed; this in turn results in a narrow field of application. Secondly, these measures are not in step with developments elsewhere in the world and with the changing circumstances and needs in practice. Thirdly, well-formulated remedies needed in order to supplement section 252 of the Act are non-existent. It has also been found that ad hoc amendments of existing measures will not achieve the required result, and consequently a complete reform of South African company law is recommended. Finally, specific recommendations in the form of draft legislation are made; these are accompanied by explanatory notes. This draft legislation was formulated primarily along the lines of the New Zealand and Canadian models. / Private Law / LL.D.

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit, option recherche (LL.M.)" / En imposant une obligation constitutionnelle de négocier aux autres parties de la fédération, les juges de la Cour suprême dans le Renvoi sur la sécession rendent légitimes les aspirations des souverainistes québécois. Le processus menant à l'obligation constitutionnelle de négocier souffre toutefois d'imprécision et est à l'origine de la situation juridique contradictoire actuelle. La doctrine est divisée sur la signification des expressions «acteurs politiques», «question claire» et «majorité claire» et l'ambiguïté de ces expressions a permis aux partis politiques au pouvoir de justifier leur loi respective portant sur la sécession du Québec. Les deux lois en vigueur, la Loi sur les droits fondamentaux et la Loi sur la clarté, sont à des pôles opposés sur des sujets aussi importants que la formulation de la question et la majorité requise. Chacune des législatures a procédé unilatéralement sans se soucier de créer un cadre juridique cohérent. Les représentants élus devraient envisager la constitutionnalisation des règles menant à la sécession d'une province comme voie de solution pour régler l'impasse juridique actuelle. Le Canada ne serait pas le premier pays à prévoir de telles règles dans sa Constitution. / By imposing a constitutional obligation to negotiate to aIl parties of the federation, the Supreme Court of Canada in the Secession Reference legitimizes the aspirations of Quebec's sovereignist movement. However, the Supreme Court's ambiguity, in regards to the process leading up to the constitutional obligation to negotiate, is the cause of the current juridical debate. The doctrine is divided on the meaning of the expressions "political actors", "clear question" and "clear majority" and the lack of precision of these expressions allows the political parties in power to justify their respective laws on Quebec secession. The two laws in force, an Act respecting the exercise of the fundamental rights and prerogatives of the Quebec people and the Quebec State and the Clarity Act, are at polar opposites on issues as important as the formulation of the question and the required majority. Both legislatures have proceeded unilaterally without any concem in creating a coherent juridical framework. Elected representatives should consider the constitutionalisation of the mIes leading to secession as a solution to solve the current juridical deadlock. Canada would not be the first country to provide such provisions in its Constitution.