Our study aimed at contributing to the understanding of party policy preferences in Belgium, i.e. how far can we explain the attention that political parties allocate to different policy issues in their electoral manifestos. One of the added values of our study was located in our research design. We reversed the perspective that is used in most of previous works and we used party policy preferences – via the analysis of party manifestos – as a dependent rather than an independent variable. We were not interested in what could be explained by party preferences but in what could actually explain them. In addition, we observed that, in the few works that considered party policy preferences as a dependent variable, party competition was rarely mobilised as an explanatory variable. Our study aimed at contributing to the understanding of the content of party manifestos by confronting the hypothesis of party competition with other possible explanations.<p><p>With the help of new data about party preferences in Belgian party manifestos collected in the framework of the CAP project, we quantitatively analysed the content of all party manifestos between 1977 and 2007 and coded them according policy domains and issues (up to about 250 policy issues and coding categories). Based on the selection of four specific policy issues (environment, decentralisation, migration and morality issues) and on regression analyses (panel data), we hypothesised that party preferences on theses policy issues is best explained by party competition variables.<p><p>Our findings confirmed that party policy preferences are not static but rather that they evolve over time. Party preferences are different over time and space and we aimed at providing clues about what could explain these differences. Based on the literature, a large set of potential explanatory variables has been mobilised in order to explain these differences. But most of these independent variables have no or few impact on party preferences, such as the fractionalisation of the party system or ‘real-world’ indicators. Contrary to previous findings, changes in party manifestos are not explained by the fact that the party grows in size and gets older or by the fact that it wins or loses the elections. Similarly, we observed that party strategies – including party name change and the creation of electoral alliances – had no impact of the content of part manifestos. Even if our bivariate analyses indicated the importance of phenomena related to the government formation and participation, we found out that this effect disappears in multi-variate analyses.<p><p>Still, the introduction of our party competition variables – based on the niche party’s size, electoral fortunes and government participation – provided ambiguous results, depending on the policy issue at stake. Party competition contributes to the understanding of party policy preferences on environment and migration. Nonetheless, our models do not demonstrate an impact of party competition on preferences concerning decentralisation and morality. When controlling for party families, we observe that party competition has a significant impact on party preferences, meaning that political parties react to the electoral strength of a niche party by paying more attention to the niche party’s issue in their manifesto. Finally, the observed impact of party competition on policy preferences concerns certain parties only and the other parties display preferences that appear independent from the existing patterns of party competition. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

No description available.

Diese Arbeit geht der Frage nach, inwiefern die Medien während des Wahl-kampfs über die Wahlprogramme der Parteien berichten. Die Wahlprogramme der Parteien enthalten Informationen darüber, was Parteien nach der Wahl vorhaben. Allerdings lesen wenige Wählerinnen und Wähler Wahlprogramme. Die vergangene Forschung über und mit Wahlprogrammdaten hat bisher angenommen, dass der Inhalt von Wahlprogrammen von den Medien verbreitet wird. Diese Doktorarbeit untersucht diese Annahme empirisch und analysiert, ob und wie Massenmedien während des Wahlkampfs über die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme berichten. Wenn Massenmedien nicht die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme verbreiten würden, hätten Bürgerinnen und Bürger kaum Chancen sich über das programmatische Angebot der Parteien zu informieren. In dieser Arbeit wird das Konzept des Manifesto-Medien-Links entwickelt. Das Konzept bringt Theorien des Parteienwettbewerbs und Theorien der Medienselektion zusammen. Der Manifesto-Medien-Link formuliert drei Bedingungen, welche empirisch getestet werden können. Diese sind: Erstens, Medienberichterstattung und Wahlprogramme müssen zumindest zu einem gewissen Grad dieselben Themen diskutieren. Zweitens, Journalisten müssen Sachfragen mit jenen Parteien verknüpfen, welche diese Themen in ihren Wahlprogrammen stärker betonen als ihre Konkurrenten, um Wählerinnen und Wähler über die Prioritäten der Parteien zu informieren. Drittens, Medien müssen die ideologische Orientierung einer Partei sowie Veränderungen dieser korrekt wiedergeben. Methodisch werden in der Arbeit Wahlprogramm- und Mediendaten kombiniert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass der Manifesto-Medien-Link relativ stabil ist. Außerdem wird gezeigt, dass es nur geringe systematische Verzerrungen zugunsten bestimmter Parteien gibt. Jedoch zeigen sich Unterschiede zwischen Qualitäts- und Boulevardmedien. Die Ergebnisse haben Implikationen für unser Verständnis von politischer Repräsentation und den politischen Wettbewerb. / This study analyzes whether media coverage covers messages from parties’ electoral programs (manifestos). Electoral programs contain detailed information on a party’s future policy-making. However, few voters read electoral programs. Still, prior research often assumed that the content of manifestos is known to voters because media disseminate the content of manifestos to voters. This dissertation evaluates this “mediation assumption” empirically, and analyzes whether and how the mass media cover parties’ electoral programs during the electoral campaign. If media coverage did not reflect parties’ electoral programs, citizens would have no chance to base their vote choice on evaluations of those programs. This study introduces the concept of the manifesto-media link in order to describe how media coverage can reflect programmatic offers. The manifesto-media link is formulated as three conditions that can be empirically evaluated and tested in a similar way to the conditions of the responsible party model. These are: First, media must cover similar issues to those that parties cover in their electoral programs. Second, media coverage must link issues with parties that emphasize these issues more than their competitors, in order to inform about the parties’ issue priorities. Third, media must frame parties as left or right in a way that represents how parties emphasize left or right positions in their own manifestos. Methodologically, the study combines secondary content analytical data on media coverage during the electoral campaign with data based on electoral programs. The findings suggest that the manifesto-media link is stable and robust. There is little to no systematic bias in favor of a certain type of party, however there are differences between quality and tabloid media. These findings contribute to our understanding of political representation and the functioning of political competition.

Cette thèse prend pour objet le nouage entre l’autoréflexivité et la mise en forme esthétique dans la poésie de Christophe Tarkos, produite dans les années 1990. Elle met en lumière les rapports entre l’élaboration d’une théorie du langage au sein de cette œuvre poétique et ses visées esthétiques totalisantes. Il s’agit d’identifier les principes générateurs de la théorie et de fournir une analyse de ses fondements qui s’ancrent dans la crise de la représentation moderne commençant dans la deuxième moitié du dix-neuvième siècle. Les motifs de la crise revisités par Tarkos inscrivent sa poésie dans une historicité, et notre thèse tente d’interpréter cette actualisation dans une œuvre qui donne forme au monde et à la mémoire individuelle. L’hypothèse qui chapeaute notre étude est que la théorie du langage favorise l’intelligibilité de l’œuvre totalisante en lui offrant un support réflexif. Notre thèse, qui privilégie une méthode fondée sur l’analyse des textes, se divise en trois parties. La première propose une recension de la réception critique de l’œuvre, dont nous retraçons les grandes lignes d’interprétation, de Christian Prigent à Jean-Michel Espitallier. Tout en plaçant Tarkos dans le champ poétique français, cette étape nous permet de positionner notre recherche par rapport à certains lieux communs de la critique. La deuxième partie vise à étudier la théorie du langage de Tarkos à partir de ses manifestes principaux (Le Signe =, Manifeste chou, Ma langue est poétique et La poésie est une intelligence) qui révèlent plusieurs principes, pouvoirs et limites de la langue et de la poésie. Afin de montrer la spécificité du concept de la « pâte-mot » de Tarkos, nous l’étudions dans un dialogue avec la figure de la « pâte » langagière chez la poète française Danielle Collobert. La troisième partie propose une étude de la volonté et de l’esthétique totalisantes dans l’œuvre de Tarkos, qui cherche à donner forme au réel. En effet, la poésie répond à l’excès du réel par diverses stratégies. Tout en voulant représenter son caractère débordant par une énonciation logorrhéique ou en usant de procédés comme celui de la répétition, elle cherche à le maîtriser dans des formes textuelles stables comme des fragments de prose « carrés » (Carrés, Caisses), dans des listes énumératives (Anachronisme) ou dans des réseaux d’images. La volonté totalisante chez Tarkos semble également prendre origine dans un sentiment d’urgence qui concerne, en dernière instance, une bataille contre la finitude. / This dissertation takes as its object the tie between self-reflexivity and aesthetic form in the poetry of Christophe Tarkos, produced in the 1990s. It highlights the relationship between the development of a theory of language within his poetic oeuvre and aims to illustrate its “totalizing” aesthetics. “Theory” is understood as the combination of reflections, meditations and concepts about language and poetry. This thesis endeavors to identify the generating principles in his poetic oeuvre, which are inscribed within the crisis of representation often seen as originating in the mid- nineteenth century. By revisiting this crisis of representation, Tarkos’s poetry can been seen as being located in a historicity. My thesis attempts to interpret this revisiting process through an analysis of a poetic form that gives shape to the world and to individual memory. My assumption is that the theory of language facilitates the intelligibility of his poetry because it provides a reflexive medium. My thesis, which favors a method based on textual analysis, is divided into three parts. The first provides a review of the critical reception of the work, in which I track major lines of interpretation, ranging from Christian Prigent to Jean-Michel Espitallier. Placing Tarkos within the French poetic field allows me to position my research within the commonplace of criticism. The second part investigates the theory of language in his manifestos (Le Signe =, Manifeste chou, Ma langue est poétique et La poésie est une intelligence) that reveal several principles, powers and limits of language and poetry. In order to demonstrate the specificity of the concept of « pâte- mot » (a dough of words) developed by Tarkos, I compare it to the poet Danielle Collobert’s figurative representation of « dough », as « paste ». The third part offers a study of the will and “totalizing” aesthetic present in the work of Tarkos, which seeks to shape the real. Indeed, poetry answers to the excess of the real by various strategies. While wanting to represent his brimming nature through a language akin to logorrhea or by using methods such as repetition, it also seeks to control it in stable textual forms such as « squared » fragments of prose (Carrés, Caisses), in enumerative lists (Anachronisme) or in networks of figures. Tarkos’s willingness to “totalize” also seems to be rooted in a sense of urgency concerning, ultimately, a battle against finitude.