This thesis offers a comparative historical analysis of sub-state violent contention in Quebec and Corsica. It focuses specifically on the Front de Libération du Québec (FLQ) and the Fronte di Liberazione Naziunale Corsu (FLNC), in 1963 to 1971 and 1976 to 1990, respectively. The thesis argues that the FLQ and the FLNC sought to extend radical ideological space to promote independence in order to achieve revolutionary social and economic change through campaigns of violence and kidnappings. Theoretically, the thesis draws on the contentious politics and social movements literatures, which it notably combines with Radical Flank Effect (RFE). RFEs are interactive processes that aim to map the beneficial and/or detrimental impact of radical group action on moderate groups. Whilst commonly used to understand the political outcomes of social movements, RFE is used in this thesis in conjunction with social movement literature to compare the relationship between these violent movements and their more moderate opponents. To understand the internal dynamics of these movements, I have identified four key elements of contrast: membership, ideology, network structure and strategy. I draw on, for example, McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly's (2001) mobilization method, which aids an understanding of membership and ideology by framing the interaction amongst challengers, their opponents and the media. This thesis seeks to understand FLQ and FLNC mobilization in light of the aim to shape and develop radical ideological space in the sub-states of Quebec and Corsica. It draws on an extensive study of archival data that includes police reports that have only recently been made available in Canada, transcripts of court cases, newspapers, and an interview with a former member of the FLNC, as well as secondary sources. The central orienting question is: what explains the contrasting patterns of sub-state violent contention in Quebec and Corsica? More specifically, why did the FLQ dissolve in 1971, yet the FLNC continued its violent trajectory, albeit less political and nationalist, until 2014? The FLQ and the FLNC differently subscribed to Marxism and postcolonialism. The FLQ was committed to a Marxist program of revolutionary change, and this commitment was shared by the FLNC until the collapse of communism in central and Eastern Europe in 1989. FLQ members considered themselves 'urban revolutionaries' and employed Marxism to understand the economic disparity in industrial Montreal. Early Corsican violent contention, in contrast, included Maoist influences, in particular, through their demand for agrarian reform. The two groups viewed the relationship between their sub-states (Quebec and Corsica) and central states (Canada and France) through a colonial lens, and understood their mobilization against these states and elite minorities (the Anglophone elite in Quebec and the pieds noirs in Corsica) in this light. Both violent movements targeted this colonial relationship. Both the FLQ and FLNC manifestos were economically and politically focused, land and culture were additionally highlighted by the FLNC. This thesis found that sub-state violent contention in the very different contexts of Quebec and Corsica shared an overall pattern, an arc of violent mobilization. The initial mobilization developed from a frustration with moderate political groups; radicalization grew and new tactics were embraced; until turning points that included the assassination of Pierre Laporte by the FLQ and the division of the FLNC into competitive factions, and then a decline of activity, mobilization and recruitment. Although the FLQ and the FLNC contrasted greatly in terms of membership, ideology, organization and strategy, both groups attempted to extend radical space through the use of violent contention in these two very different nations. Ultimately, however, while the FLQ and the FLNC were able to extend or maintain radical space at times, yet they failed to sustain the extension of ideological radical space on the basis on their revolutionary manifestos.

The purpose of this thesis is to map and assess the organisational and ideological development of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform party, the ELDR. More specifically, it seeks to analyse the degree of integration between the members of the ELDR over time, to identify factors that may or may not generate integration, to relate the development of the ELDR to earlier research about European parties, and finally to contribute to the ongoing debate about whether or not the traditional national party families are about to establish parties at the European level. The thesis is based on the assumption that parties adapt to their environment, in this case, the system of multi-level governance that characterises the European Union. As the European parties are composed of national parties, they are also dependent on the member parties' opportunities and motives for cooperation. If there is integration, we can, however, not only expect the European parties to adapt to their environment. As they become independent actors, they may also influence their environment. In other words, we can anticipate interaction between the European and national levels that leads to mutual adaptation, or Europeanisation. To be able to capture the interaction between the two levels, theories from international relations and comparative politics are combined. Based on interviews, participant observation, documentary research and content analysis of European election manifestos, the analyses shows that the members of the ELDR have over time reached a rather advanced level of integration, both organisationally and ideologically. Although it is possible to identify constraining factors to this development, the ELDR has, at least from what is known from literature, reached about the same level of development as the two other European parties, the Christian democratic EPP and the Social democratic PES. The internal integration of the ELDR is the outcome of a successive transfer of power from the member parties to the ELDR. By now, the ELDR can therefore be defined as a rather independent actor and as a type of party at the European level. This type of party is, however, not comparable to national parties. It is instead adapted to the institutional structure of the European Union, with, at least partly, a different organisation and different functions from those of national parties. / digitalisering@umu

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There is more to language than just its formal structural properties and, similarly, more to language function than just its communicative and naming function. Language does not exist independent of society. As a part of society, it is used in a diversity of functions: it influences thought processes, constitutes what people perceive as reality, and produces, reproduces and denies prejudices. It is in pursuit of its ideological function that language plays a significant role in the establishment and maintenance of systematically asymmetrical power relations. This study focuses on the role that language plays in efforts to position the African National Congress (ANC) as more fit to govern than other political parties in South Africa. Adopting a qualitative research strategy, the study provides an analysis of the discourse that is constructed in the ANC’s 1999, 2004 and 2009 national election manifestos. The analysis is presented within the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and is performed in terms of linguistic devices, techniques and strategies such as genre and its sequential structure, pronouns, contrasting expressions, intertextuality, grounding and elision, statistics and numerical figures, and discourse. It is demonstrated that the three election manifestos are situated within a specific socio-economic and political context defined by poverty, unemployment and inequality, which are rooted in the South African history of colonialism and race-based capitalism. The texts draw from resources of the genre of manifesto and show common structural features. It is shown that ambiguous pronouns are used to build up affinities between the ANC and the reader/listener with respect to the achievements of the ANC-led government, what work still needs to be done, and to position the ANC’s vision as one that is generally shared by the people. Contrasting expressions are used to disparage the apartheid system and to extol the post-1994 democratic system. In all three texts the ANC is foregrounded as the organization which not only brought freedom to South Africa, but which in fact led the struggle for freedom and change. At the same time, there is an omission of other political organizations and the role they played in this struggle. It is also demonstrated that the three texts constituted by elements of other texts such as the Freedom Charter (1955), the Reconstruction and Development Programme (1994) and the Constitution (1996) use statistics and figures to bestow the ANC with a systematic and scientific gravitas. Lastly, the three manifestos reflect a discourse of “complete” or “total” freedom, which is inclusive of the social, economic and political aspects of the reality of South Africans’ lives. It is argued that these linguistic devices, techniques and strategies are used in the 1999, 2004 and 2009 national election manifestos to position the ANC as more fit to govern South Africa than other political parties. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Taal behels meer as net formele strukturele eienskappe, en die funksies van taal behels eweneens meer as net benaming en kommunikasie. Taal bestaan nie onafhanklik van die gemeenskap nie. As ’n deel van die gemeenskap, word taal in ’n verskeidenheid funksies gebruik: dit beïnvloed denkprosesse, bepaal wat mense beskou as die werklikheid, en dien om vooroordele te skep, te verhoog en te ontken. Dit is in die uitoefening van sy ideologiese funksie dat taal ’n beduidende rol speel in die vestiging en handhawing van sistematies asimmetriese magsverhoudings. Hierdie studie fokus op die rol wat taal speel in pogings om die African National Congress (ANC) te posisioneer as meer geskik om te regeer as ander politieke partye in Suid-Afrika. Met ’n kwalitatiewe navorsingstrategie as uitgangspunt, bied die studie ’n analise van die diskoers wat gekonstrueer word in die ANC se onderskeie manifeste vir die 1999, 2004 en 2009 nasionale verkiesings. Die analise word aangebied binne die raamwerk van Kritiese Diskoersanalise (“Critical Discourse Analysis”) en word uitgevoer in terme van taalkundige meganismes, tegnieke en strategieë soos genre and sy sekwensiële struktuur, voornaamwoorde, teenstellende uitdrukkings, intertekstualiteit, opstelling en weglating (“grounding and elision”), statistieke en getalle, en diskoers. Daar word aangetoon dat die drie verkiesingsmanifeste ingebed is in ’n spesifieke sosio-ekonomiese en politieke konteks van armoede, werkloosheid en ongelykheid, wat gegrond is in die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis van kolonialisme en rasgebaseerde kapitalisme. Die tekste benut die middele van die manifes-genre en vertoon gemeenskaplike strukturele kenmerke. Daar word aangetoon hoe dubbelsinnige voornaam-woorde gebruik word om ’n affiniteit tussen die ANC en die leser/hoorder tot stand te bring ten opsigte van die ANC-regering se prestasies, die werk wat nog gedoen moet word, en ook om die ANC se visie voor te hou as een wat algemeen deur die mense gedeel word. Teenstellende uitdrukkings word gebruik om die apartheidstelsel te verdoem en die post-1994 demokratiese stelsel op te hemel. In al drie tekste word die ANC vooropgestel as die organisasie wat nie net vryheid na Suid-Afrika gebring het nie, maar wat in feite die stryd om vryheid en verandering gelei het. Terselfdertyd word geen melding gemaak van ander politieke organisasies en die rol wat hulle in dié stryd gespeel het nie. Daar word ook aangetoon dat die drie tekste wat verskeie elemente insluit van ander tekste soos die Freedom Charter (1955), die Heropbou- en Ontwikkelingsprogram (“Reconstruction and Development Programme”, 1994) en die Grondwet (1996) gebruik maak van statistieke en getalle om die ANC te bedeel met ’n sistematiese en wetenskaplike gravitas. Die drie manifeste vertoon, laastens, ’n diskoers van “totale” of “volledige” vryheid, wat die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke aspekte van die werklikheid van Suid-Afrikaners se lewens omvat Daar word geargumenteer dat dié taalkundige meganismes, tegnieke en strategieë in die 1999, 2004 en 2009 verkiesingsmanifeste gebruik word om die ANC te posisioneer as meer geskik om te regeer as ander politieke partye.

Political party manifesto is one of the most significant ways of communication between a party and the citizens. In these documents, the parties present their values and ideological background as well as their priorities in current political issues. This master thesis deals with the topic of Civic Democratic Party and comparasion of its manifestos. Civic Democratic Party has been established in 1991. former Czechoslovakia. Until 2017 there has been created almost 30 different party manifestos. In this qualitative case study, the manifestos topics have been described, as well as its changes during these years. The analysis has been primarily focused on the topics of Economics and European integration. According to theoretical frame, we assume that the changes are made only in case of the significant changes of political environment. We also focus on the process of change, as the impact of party Conventions and Expertise. This analysis has been primarily based on the interviews made with current and past members of the party.

This study aims to explore ideological profiles in local parties’ electoral manifestos. Through qualitative content analysis, three profiles, redistributive, developmental, and political discontent-oriented are investigated in local parties’ electoral manifestos in the case of Norrbotten. One of the main findings shows that the political discontent-oriented profile occurs to a lesser extent in comparison with the other profiles. Instead, many of the manifestos convey concerns relating to their municipality’s persistence. Local parties in Norrbotten tend to endorse new establishments of companies and industries in their manifestos. When expressing political discontent, the electoral manifestos often focus on distancing themselves from ideology-oriented politics while claiming to be a pragmatic alternative. Some manifesto also expresses the need to prioritize vulnerable groups in the municipality, especially the Sami people, senior citizens, and rural communities within the municipality.

This study aims to analyze whether an ideological resemblance has occurred between the Moderate Party and the Sweden Democrats during the electoral periods 2018 and 2022. As such, an ideology focused systematic qualitative analysis has been applied with the additional lens of ideal type Liberal, Conservative and Nationalist values. The research questions for this study are: (1) What are differences and similarities between the Moderate Party and the Sweden Democrats in terms of Liberal, Conservative and Nationalist values during the two electoral periods? (2) Did an ideological resemblance occur between the two parties in two measuring points? The main findings of the study points to the implication that there is some degree of pathological normalcy when it comes to the Moderate Party’s election manifestos as there is a widespread use of all three ideal type ideologies in the election manifestoes from both chosen years. At the same time one could argue to a lesser extent that the Sweden Democrats have neared the Moderate Party as the ideal type Liberal values can be found abate to a far lesser extent compared to the the ideal type Nationalist and Conservative values in the election manifestos. As such, one can argue that an ideological resemblance between the two parties is apparent to a degree in the chosen measuring points though differences can also be found within the study between the two parties.

La recherche porte sur l’écriture abondante de Hundertwasser et sa place dans le positionnement de cet acteur du renouveau artistique. On lui reconnaît une « œuvre-vie » singulière, puisque, visant à bouleverser la société, il a élargi son domaine, passant de la peinture à l’écologie, via l’architecture. Partant du contexte géohistorique, de l’arrière-plan pictural du début du XXème siècle, des théories des scientifiques et des « prophètes » allemands du XXème siècle ainsi que de l’émergence des mouvements écologistes, il s’agit d’étudier les nombreux poésies, récits, discours, manifestes, interventions dans les médias et commentaires, où Hundertwasser expose et développe ses convictions. L’objectif est de montrer que la dynamique créative de l’artiste s’enracine dans ses écrits. / The research focuses on the abundant writing of Hundertwasser and its place in the positioning of this actor of artistic renewal. He is recognized for his singular "work-life", since, aiming to upset society, he has expanded his field, from painting to ecology, via architecture. Starting from the geohistorical context, from the pictorial background of the beginning of the 20th century, the theories of 20th-century German scientists and "prophets" and the emergence of environmental movements, it is a question of studying the many poems, stories, speeches, manifestos, interventions in the media and comments, where Hundertwasser exposes and develops his convictions. The aim is to show that the creative dynamic of the artist is rooted in his writings.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thiago Masano Cavaloti.pdf: 424599 bytes, checksum: 5efdc653f1edefead2267ce0b62e6d1e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The objective of the following essay is to analyze the notion of magnetic fields between dream and reality, portrayed in the Surealism Manifesto of 1924 by Andre Breton (1896-1966), throughout inquiries on the theory of the unconscious of Sigmung Freud and the French modern poetic experience present in Charles Baudelaire (1821-1867), Arthur Rimbaud (1854-1891) e Paul Valéry (1871-1945). This careful reading of the propositions of André Breton s Manifesto lies upon the concept of surreality , restoring the author´s poetic-aesthetic notions in light of the experience of the First World War (1914-1918) / A presente dissertação visa analisar a noção de campos magnéticos entre sonho e realidade, a surrealidade , expressa por André Breton (1896-1966) no Manifesto do Surrealismo de 1924, através das indagações da teoria do inconsciente de Sigmund Freud e da experiência poética moderna francesa presente em Charles Baudelaire (1821-1867), Arthur Rimbaud (1854-1891) e Paul Valéry (1871-1945). A leitura atenta sobre as proposições de André Breton neste Manifesto debruça-se sobre o conceito de surrealidade , resgatando as noções estético-poéticas do escritor francês à experiência vivida durante a primeira guerra mundial (1914-1918)

In the context of the growing political instability and deepening economic crisis in Uruguay during the 1960s and early 1970s, the thesis examines two propositions. The first is that politically informed intellectuals, though disaffected or marginalised, will integrate themselves into the political mainstream if circumstances demand and a suitable vehicle allows them to participate usefully in the political process. The second is that, in the Uruguayan case, an expanded notion of dialogue is essential in analysing how this was accomplished, partly because the idea of dialogue was a necessary part of how they worked together and communicated with their public, and partly because dialogue was seen as a crucial element in reforming the nation and as the basis of the relationship between the political party that was to be the agent of such reform and its potential constituency. The thesis begins by examining how the so-called 1945 and 1960s generations overcame intergenerational squabbles and worked together, with the help of an expanding publishing industry, to create a public for their meditations on Uruguay's problems. Then, after briefly outlining the importance of dialogue to the essay as a genre and its role in developing national identity in Latin America, the study examines essays on the state of Uruguay by four major writers in the 1960s: Roberto Ares Pons, Alberto Methol Ferr??, Carlos Maggi and Washington Lockhart. The thesis then traces the intelligentsia's role in the several attempts to heal the rifts within the Uruguayan left and in the formation of the centre left coalition, the Frente Amplio, in 1971, to show how the notion of dialogue was incorporated into its structure, mode of operation and political program. The final section, a case study of Mario Benedetti's political activities and propagandist essays of 1971-1973, examines the contradictions of working as a committed intellectual when the very conditions necessary for intellectual life are breaking down. The thesis concludes that the resurrection of the nation as a site for dialogue with and among all members of society, a project in which the intelligentsia had enthusiastically participated, foundered because drastic political polarisation permitted only one militarist and monologic solution.

In the context of the growing political instability and deepening economic crisis in Uruguay during the 1960s and early 1970s, the thesis examines two propositions. The first is that politically informed intellectuals, though disaffected or marginalised, will integrate themselves into the political mainstream if circumstances demand and a suitable vehicle allows them to participate usefully in the political process. The second is that, in the Uruguayan case, an expanded notion of dialogue is essential in analysing how this was accomplished, partly because the idea of dialogue was a necessary part of how they worked together and communicated with their public, and partly because dialogue was seen as a crucial element in reforming the nation and as the basis of the relationship between the political party that was to be the agent of such reform and its potential constituency. The thesis begins by examining how the so-called 1945 and 1960s generations overcame intergenerational squabbles and worked together, with the help of an expanding publishing industry, to create a public for their meditations on Uruguay's problems. Then, after briefly outlining the importance of dialogue to the essay as a genre and its role in developing national identity in Latin America, the study examines essays on the state of Uruguay by four major writers in the 1960s: Roberto Ares Pons, Alberto Methol Ferr??, Carlos Maggi and Washington Lockhart. The thesis then traces the intelligentsia's role in the several attempts to heal the rifts within the Uruguayan left and in the formation of the centre left coalition, the Frente Amplio, in 1971, to show how the notion of dialogue was incorporated into its structure, mode of operation and political program. The final section, a case study of Mario Benedetti's political activities and propagandist essays of 1971-1973, examines the contradictions of working as a committed intellectual when the very conditions necessary for intellectual life are breaking down. The thesis concludes that the resurrection of the nation as a site for dialogue with and among all members of society, a project in which the intelligentsia had enthusiastically participated, foundered because drastic political polarisation permitted only one militarist and monologic solution.