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Impact of Marital Dissolution on Fertility in the Czech Republic Abstract The intention of this study is to analyze fertility of people who experience a divorce or husband/wife death in their reproductive age so it could be find out if these people have more or less children than people whose marriage persists until the age of 50. The conclusions are made based on the study of data from the second wave of Generations and Gender Survey which took place in the Czech Republic in 2008. The life table method (its output Survival Distribution Function) and Cox regression model are used for the analysis. Reproductive behavior of people who never enter into marriage, those who spend their reproductive age in the first marriage and those who experience the first marital dissolution before their 50th birthday is compared. The analysis of divorced and widowed people fertility is supplemented by evaluation of an effect that certain variables like age, number of children and age of the youngest child in the year of the first marital dissolution have on the follow-up reproductive behavior of these men and women. The situation about the partnership after the dissolution of the first marriage was identified as the most significant. People who find a new partner after their first marital dissolution have on average more...

This dissertation includes three papers that address various aspects of the economics of labour and the family. The dissertation integrates the discussion on the following issues: (1) the allocation of housework and childcare in Canadian two-earner households (2) the effect of family policy reform on time allocation and labour supply in two-parent families (3) effect of anticipated divorce and divorce duration on male and female labour supply. The first paper Time Allocation Gender Gap in Native-born and Foreign-born Families in Canada focuses on the difference between the housework and childcare share produced by foreign-born husbands compared to Canadian-born husbands. This empirical analysis employs the data from the Canadian General Social Survey. The results show that foreign-born husbands have a lower share of housework and childcare compared to their Canadian-born counterparts. The second paper The effect of Quebec childcare policy change on the labour market outcomes and time distribution in the family analyzes the effect of the childcare policy change that took place in Quebec in 1997-2000. The results show that the introduction of “$5 per day” daycare subsidized by the Quebec government increased the labour supply of married mothers and also affected the allocation of time husbands and wives spend on housework and childcare. The data from this project were drawn from 1996 and 2001 Canadian Census. The third paper Labour supply of Australian men and women before and after divorce studies the changes in the labour supply of men and women before and after divorce. The data for empirical analysis employs 12 waves of Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia Survey (HILDA). The outcome suggests that men and women do not change labour participation and weekly working hours in anticipation of divorce. Women increase labour force participation and weekly hours worked as a result of divorce. Men’s labour supply does not change in response to divorce.

The present research studies marital dissolution using data from both spouses from the National Survey of Families and Households (NSFH) and uses the method of multiple imputation to handle missing data. Role theory and another four approaches (social exchange theory, stake theory, gender perspective and heterogeneity perspective) are used to make a methodological argument why using data from both spouses is necessary to study marital stability. Five data sets are imputed and there are 3,777 observations in each imputed data set. Main research findings are as followed. First, the model fits of the data from both spouses on marital dissolution are significantly better than the model fits of the data from one spouse only; therefore, gathering perceptual data from both spouses is necessary to understand marital dissolution. Second, overall, the effects of most spousal discrepancies do not support the heterogeneity perspective. Third, the model fits of the wife only model are significantly better than the model fits of the husband only model across different periods of marital duration, and the predictability of wives' variables is more stable than husbands' variables. Therefore, if only individual-level data are available to use, researchers are encouraged to use wives' data rather than husbands' data. Fourth, the predictability of factors varies with marital duration and gender in the models with data from both spouses.

This study investigated marital dissolution in the Tanzanian context. The study specifically focused on the potential effect of marital dissolution (both positive and negative) on early adolescents’ academic and psycho-social functioning. The primary research question directing the research is: ―How can insight into marital dissolution in Tanzania broaden our knowledge on its effect on children?‖ The conceptual framework for the study is based on attachment theory, crisis theory, family stress theory and life course theory. Epistemologically, the study utilised social constructivism as paradigm. A qualitative methodological approach was followed, implementing an instrumental case study as research design. I purposefully selected eight children from two children’s centres in Tanzania and four additional children from custodial homes. In addition, twelve parents, who had been separated from their partners, as well as twelve teachers and caregivers who have been involved with the child participants, participated in the study. For data collection I employed semi-structured interviews with the parents and children; focus group discussions with teachers and caregivers; interviews and narrations with children; and an analysis of existing documents. Field notes, a research diary and verbatim transcripts were utilised to document the data I collected. Following inductive thematic analysis four themes emerged, relating to the reasons for marital dissolution, the effect of marital dissolution on early adolescents’ functioning, trends following marital dissolution and managing marital dissolution in Tanzania. In terms of reasons for marital dissolution I identified the following subthemes: abuse, lack of commitment to the family, influence of others, and financial strain. In terms of the effect of marital dissolution on early adolescents’ functioning three subthemes emerged namely; effect on early adolescents’ academic performance, effect on early adolescents’ psycho-social well-being, and parents’ insight into the effect of marital dissolution on their children. With regard to trends following marital dissolution I identified the following three subthemes: positive effect of marital dissolution, change in living arrangements, and other related changes negatively affecting children. Finally, two subthemes emerged concerning the management of marital dissolution in Tanzania, namely minimising the effect of marital dissolution on children, and potential role of the Tanzanian government. The findings of this study indicate that the majority of Tanzanian couples merely separate, rather than following a legal divorce. Parents showed limited insight into the effect of marital dissolution on their children. Besides some children experiencing the separation of their parents as a relief, the majority of children were negatively affected in terms of their academic performance and psycho-social functioning. Children indicated the need to be involved in discussions preceding and during the separation process, yet Tanzanian parents did not value the involvement of their children during this process. Based on the findings I obtained I conclude that the effect of marital dissolution on children are not only continuous but that the effects in various areas of functioning are interrelated and cyclic in nature, and that children can experience the effects before, during and after marital dissolution. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / lk2014 / Educational Psychology / PhD / Unrestricted

Understanding the contingencies that explain whether divorce has positive or negative long-term effects for adult children is at the heart of this study. Although previous studies suggest an association between parental divorce and the divorce of adult offspring, less known is about whether the timing of divorce influences the relationship outcomes of adult children. Using a large nationally representative sample in terms of race (N=6,066), eight groups of individuals (males and females from intact homes, males and females who experienced divorce during adolescence, males and females who experienced divorce during middle childhood, and males and females who experienced divorce during preschool years) were analyzed to examine the impact of divorce and its timing on family impact, emotional regulation, and relationship quality. Findings indicate that divorce, in general, negatively influences family impact, emotional regulation, and relationship quality. However, the developmental timing of divorce does not appear to significantly alter the impact of these variables on relationship quality.

Ces dernières décennies, la famille a connu des changements majeurs dans la majorité des pays de l’OCDE. D’une part, le taux de fertilité a baissé ; d’autre part, le nombre de séparation a fortement augmenté. Cette thèse se propose d’étudier les effets de ces changements de la structure familiale sur le capital humain des individus, en l’envisageant comme une nouvelle source d’inégalités. Dans un cadre micro-économique, cette thèse mobilise les outils économétriques pour les appliquer à de larges bases de données. Les trois chapitres de cette thèse présentent des résultats nouveaux sur l’effet de la séparation parentale et de la taille de la famille sur le capital humain de l’individu. Le premier chapitre porte sur l’effet de la séparation parentale en France sur la réussite professionnelle des individus, et montre un effet négatif de la séparation parentale sur le niveau d’étude et la position sociale de l’individu. En s’appuyant sur des données américaines, le second chapitre s’intéresse aux mécanismes expliquant cet effet, et en particulier, sur les changements du temps passé avec les parents. Ainsi, 30% de l’effet de la séparation parentale sur le développement socio-émotionnel des enfants serait expliqué par la baisse du temps passé avec au moins un parent présent. Le troisième chapitre considère un autre aspect de la structure familiale : la taille de la famille. Nous trouvons que l’arrivée d’un troisième enfant dans la famille diminue les compétences socio-émotionnelles des autres enfants, en particulier chez les filles. / Family has known great transformations in the last decades in a large number of OECD countries. On one hand, fertility rates have decreased. On the other hand, the number of separations has increased sharply. This thesis asks whether these major changes of family structure affect child’s human capital, being a new source of inequalities. Using very large datasets and micro-econometric methods, the three chapters present original empirical evidence on whether parental separation and family size impact individual’s human capital. The first chapter studies the effect of parental separation in France on individual’s achievement, and find a negative effect of parental separation on individual’s educational attainment and social position. Using an American dataset, the second chapter asks whether this effect is driven by changes in time spent with parents, and find that 30% of the effect of parental separation on socio-emotional skills is explained by the decrease in time spent with at least one parent present. The third chapter accounts for another aspect of family structure: the number of children. Using a British dataset, we find that having a second sibling in the United Kingdom decreases the child’s socio-emotional skills, especially for girls.

臺灣地區近五十年來的人口結構，在婚姻組成上有著相當大的變化。婚姻組成的改變，除了一方面作為瞭解過去社會變遷的重要指標外，對於未來的生育率、勞動力及人口結構等重要事件，都會產生根本性的影響，是瞭解社會變遷的重要指標之一。此外，婚姻組成的改變，背後蘊含的，是臺灣社會對於婚姻的想像及態度的變遷。由於婚姻生活對於個人生命歷程，有著絕對關鍵性的影響，故而，對於婚姻的態度，也直接改變了人們對於自身生命歷程的想像。也正因為如此，對於婚姻組成狀態以及婚姻生命歷程的分析與理解，是作為瞭解臺灣社會變遷的重要參考指標，也正是構成本論文研究的核心議題。 前輩學者在討論類似議題時，採用的方法，乃是透過估算各婚姻狀態(未婚、離婚、有偶、喪偶、死亡)間的轉移率，建構多重狀態遞增遞減婚姻生命表，以理解婚姻的生命歷程變化。 然而，此一方法雖然可以提供我們相當多關於婚姻生命歷程變遷的訊息，卻由於資料的難以取得，使得在估算的結果上，各學者間莫衷一是、無有定論。有鑑於此，在探討此一問題時，本研究不採取上述的路徑，而是採用目前在學界公認較為穩定的估算方法--「蘇立文法」。此法雖然透露的訊息，不如多重狀態遞增遞減婚姻生命表來得豐富，卻可以提供我們對於各婚姻狀態別預期壽命相對穩定且可靠的訊息。 在上述討論的脈絡下，本研究以「蘇立文法」，透過1956、1966 、1980、1990、2000年五次的普查資料，配合相對應年度的「國民生命表」，建構這五個年度的「年齡別婚姻生命表」，企圖勾勒臺灣地區近五十年來婚姻生命歷程的變遷。 本論文研究的結果發現，隨著預期壽命的不斷延長，臺灣地區人口處於未婚的預期時間不斷增加，未婚佔其一生壽命的比例也持續上升。同時，離婚的預期時間增加，喪偶的預期時間減少，顯示人們一生中處於鰥寡狀態的比例下降。而可能造成婚姻解組的主要風險，從過去的「喪偶」轉變為「離婚」。另外值得注意的是，雖然未婚、離婚的預期時間增加，生命中總共處於有偶狀態的比例，卻幾乎沒有下降。顯見未婚時間的延長，代表的不是人們不進入婚姻，而是「延後進入婚姻」；離婚時間延長，不是人們從此處於單身，而是很可能透過再婚，再次進入婚姻狀態。 承上所述，本研究發現，由於晚婚、離婚、不婚、再婚等等現象的盛行，過去集中且單一的適婚年齡，開始變得分散、延後。人們可能進入婚姻的時間，不僅僅限於過去的「三十大關」，而是整個的延後。同時，婚姻的歷程，不再如過去單一且穩定的「未婚-有偶-(喪偶)-死亡」，而是像「未婚-(有偶)-(離婚)—(再婚)-(喪偶)-(有偶)-(喪偶)-死亡」一般，呈現相對多元、複雜的婚姻生命歷程。

本研究的主要抱負旨在，藉著分析實證人口普查資料俾便檢視，受限於某種不利的人口條件之桎梏，復加上對迥然相異的特殊生命歷程之體驗，生活在臺灣地區的不同省籍之住民，其如何受到諸如年齡、性別、教育程度等人口或社會經濟特徵之影響，因此決定了自身在某一個時間點上所歸屬的婚姻狀況，及伴隨而來在整個人口母群中婚姻狀況的非常態之集體分佈模式與深度階層化現象。在實際作法上，本研究乃選擇某一個時間橫斷面（一九九０年）為分析基準，並清楚展現位於該時點之上，臺灣地區十五歲以上人口的婚姻狀況之分佈模式所具有的省籍差異；接著則進一步探討省籍和年齡、性別、教育程度等變項間之互動情形，冀賴此釐清隱身於省籍差異表象其後的形塑機制或成因。至於在本研究的定義中，所謂婚姻狀況的「狀態集合」（state space），乃由「未婚」、「有配偶同居」、「離婚分居」與「喪偶」等四個互斥且週延的類屬所構成。 具體而言，本研究有著兩個主要發現：首先，即所謂的第一代外省籍男性，儘管他們之中絕大多數早已過了知天命之年，卻有著極高比例（約30%）仍然未婚，而此一現象有很大的部分乃肇因於移民人口中男多女少、極端不平衡的性比例組成。同時，我們還發現，一種深刻的婚姻階層化確實存在於第一代外省籍男性身上。理由是他們之中因為教育程度低下而遭排除在婚姻市場以外的情形相當嚴重：低學歷的第一代外省籍男性中有接近三分之一的人半被迫地保持無限期單身，此與高學歷的第一代外省籍男性中的未婚者之比例相差了近20%左右，而我們相信前者的構成主體極有可能就是一般社會意象中的自謀生活老兵。惟值得慶幸的是，此種未婚人口比例偏高及附帶產生的深刻婚姻階層化現象在55歲以下的「外省人」身上已不復見。 其次，則是全體「外省人」，尤以男性為然，似乎也比同年輪的本省籍對應群有著更高的離婚分居者之比例，而且至少在40歲以上的各年齡層中皆無例外。這意謂著離婚人口比例偏高在「外省人」（尤其是男性）中也呈現出一種代間一致性（如果我們將40歲以上的「外省人」以55歲為界分作兩個世代的話）。而在我們大致描繪出第一代外省籍男性離婚分居者有著相較於同輩的「本省人」或外省籍女性稍高的失能比例，而且低教育程度者在其中過度代表等特質後，另一種形式的婚姻階層化業已呼之欲出：我們以為，一般社會意象中所普遍指涉的自謀生活之外省籍老兵，於其年輕之際雖然囿於自身有限的教育程度及所得收入而被排除在競爭激烈的婚姻市場以外，但他們之中仍然有一些人可能不甘願於打一輩子光棍，只好退而求其次地降低標準，在逾半百之年後選擇臺灣社會裡處於邊緣地位的非外省籍婦女作為配偶。但無可諱言的是，這樣的組合幾乎得與所謂的「貧賤夫妻」劃上等號；再加上在如此的配對裡，夫妻之間的籍貫、熟悉的語言，生活背景等差距實在太大，幾乎毫無交集可言，我們因此不難想像該類的異質性婚姻（heterogamy）通常很有可能為時不久即告瓦解。雖然我們沒有很明確的證據來支持上述的推論，但我們以為其相當程度上應該可以比較合理地解釋為何55歲以上的外省籍男性離婚分居者中會以低教育程度者為過度代表，同時失能者比例也偏高的事實。至於55歲以下的第二代外省籍男性中仍有較大比例的離婚分居者之原因，由於久缺更為有力的線索，本文遂以移民特質─其因喪失固有親屬網絡，而後者又為緩衝或調解婚姻衝突的主要支持來源，從而產生降低婚姻品質並提高離婚機會的可能－權充說明，實則臆測成分過高，此乃大有進一步探究的必要。 最後，有關本研究所可能面臨到的重大限制主要皆存在於次級資料的適用性上，這可分三點說明。第一就是1956年的普查資料中，軍人並無入籍的問題，這無疑將會導致，在「外省人」的部份，整體性比例的計算被低估，同時可能也無法突顯出究竟在哪幾個單一年齡組中的性比例特別不均衡。第二，就是在我們欲以家戶為單位，從而挑選出於普查當時仍維持已婚或有配偶同居狀態者以進行夫妻雙方的人口屬性或社經特徵之媒合（match）分析時，這些偏誤的樣本（biased sample）─其偏誤性主要來自於排除掉其他曾經維持過已婚或有配偶同居狀態者，如普查當時的喪偶者及離婚分居者─所傳遞出來的訊息是否仍然具有價值則需要更仔細地加以評估。而最後也是最大的一個限制，無疑就是在大陸早有妻室的第一代外省籍男子可能於接受普查之時卻報告自己的身分為未婚。儘管如此，我們仍以為將反映出婚姻之實（de facto）而非婚姻之名（de jural）的普查資料作為分析對象毋寧更富意義，畢竟上述之人在臺灣的的確確過了四十年以上的非婚生活，吾輩焉能不察。在這種看法之下，本研究更需要注意的或許是所謂「自述偏差」之情況，此即受社會壓力影響而做不實宣稱之現象。 目錄 第一章、前言 1 第一節 研究動機與目的 1 第二節 「婚姻狀況」釋義 7 第三節 研究旨趣－人口的婚姻狀況之分佈 10 第四節 影響人口在婚姻狀況上的分佈之可能機制 13 一、生命歷程 13 二、人口條件 14 三、階層化 14 四、其他 15 第二章、文獻探討 17 第一節 生命歷程與婚姻 17 第二節 婚姻擠壓再探 19 第三節 臺灣歷史上的婚姻擠壓經驗 21 第四節 夫妻差異（spouse difference）與婚姻存續的關聯 23 第三章、研究架構 26 第一節 研究方法與分析資料 26 第二節 分析架構 28 第四章、分析結果 30 第一節 臺灣地區人口之婚姻狀況分佈的省籍差異－整體的初步探討 30 第二節 臺灣地區人口之婚姻狀況分佈的省籍差異－省籍和性別的互動 32 一、未婚 32 二、有配偶同居 34 三、離婚分居 37 四、喪偶 37 第三節 婚姻解組（marital dissolution）模式的省籍差異 40 第四節 第一代「外省人」與婚姻階層化 46 第五章、成因探討 50 第一節 第一代「外省人」的性別組成與婚姻擠壓 50 第二節 「外省」老兵特殊的軍旅生活經驗及其影響 50 第三節 外省籍離婚者的基本人口特徵分析 55 第六章、結論 60 第一節 主要研究發現 68 第二節 研究限制 71 參考書目 74 中文部分 74 英文部分 76 附錄 82 圖表目錄 圖1-1-1：一九九五年美國20歲以上人口的婚姻狀況按年齡組分 5 圖1-1-2：一九九０年臺灣地區20歲以上人口的婚姻狀況按年齡組分 5 圖1-3-1：二次戰後歷年臺灣地區人口的婚姻狀況分佈之變化 12 圖2-4-1：夫妻差異與離婚行為所具有的可能關聯形式 25 圖3-3-1：分析架構 28 圖4-1-1：一九九０年臺灣地區本省籍人口的婚姻狀況按單一年齡分 31 圖4-1-2：一九九０年臺灣地區外省籍人口的婚姻狀況按單一年齡分 31 圖4-1-3：一九九０年臺灣地區15歲以上人口中未婚者所佔比例按單一年齡分 33 圖4-1-4：一九九０年臺灣地區單一年齡人口中未婚者所佔比例按籍別及性別分 33 圖4-1-5：一九九０年臺灣地區15歲以上人口中有配偶同居者所佔比例按單一年齡分 35 圖4-1-6：一九九０年臺灣地區單一年齡人口中有配偶同居者所佔比例按籍別及性別分 35 圖4-1-7：一九九０年臺灣地區15歲以上人口中離婚分居者所佔比例按單一年齡分 36 圖4-1-8：一九九０年臺灣地區單一年齡人口中離婚分居者所佔比例按籍別及性別分 36 圖4-1-9：一九九０年臺灣地區15歲以上人口中喪偶者所佔比例按單一年齡分 39 圖4-1-10：一九九０年臺灣地區單一年齡人口中喪偶者所佔比例按籍別及性別分 39 圖4-2-1：一九九０年臺灣地區本省籍人口之婚姻解組模式按單一年齡分 41 圖4-2-2：一九九０年臺灣地區外省籍人口之婚姻解組模式按單一年齡分 41 圖4-2-3：一九九０年臺灣地區單一年齡人口之婚姻解組模式按籍別及性別分 43 圖4-2-4：一九九０年臺灣地區人口之性比例按年齡與籍別分 45 圖4-2-5：一九九０年台灣地區外省籍人口的年齡金字塔 45 圖4-3-1：一九九０年臺灣地區外省籍人口教育程度按年齡組及婚姻狀況分 47 圖4-3-2：一九九０年臺灣地區本省籍人口教育程度按年齡組及婚姻狀況分 47 圖4-3-3：一九九０年臺灣地區55歲及以上人口的婚姻狀況按籍別、性別與教育程度分 49 圖4-3-4：一九九０年臺灣地區15-54歲人口的婚姻狀況按籍別、性別與教育程度分 49 圖5-1-1：歷年外省籍人口之性比例按單一年齡分 54 表1-3-1：歷年美國人口（18歲及以上者）在四種婚姻狀況中的分佈情形 10 表1-3-2：歷年臺灣地區人口（15歲及以上者）在四種婚姻狀況中的分佈情形 10 表1-3-3：一九九五年美國人口的婚姻狀況分佈按年齡組分 11 表4-2-1：一九九０年臺灣地區結婚人數按新郎新娘婚前狀況及年齡組分 43 表5-1-1：一九四五年以後來臺「外省人」按來臺年分及性別分 51 表5-1-2：歷年外省籍現住人口性比例 52 表5-1-3：歷年外省籍人口之性比例按五歲年齡組分 53 表5-3-1：一九九０年臺灣地區的離婚分居者之年齡分佈按籍別與性別分 60 表5-3-2：一九九０年臺灣地區的離婚分居者之身體狀況按籍別及年齡組分 61 表5-3-3：一九九０年臺灣地區的外省籍離婚分居者之身體狀況按性別及年齡組分 61 表5-3-4：一九九０年臺灣地區的離婚分居者之教育程度按籍別及年齡組分 62 表5-3-5：一九九０年臺灣地區的外省籍離婚分居者之教育程度按性別及年齡組分 62 表5-3-6：一九九０年臺灣地區本省籍全體人口、外省籍全體人口、外省籍男性人口和外省籍女性人口的教育程度按年齡組分 63 表5-3-7：一九九０年臺灣地區本省籍全體、外省籍全體、外省籍男性和外省籍女性中離婚分居者的教育程度之代表性指標按年齡組分 64 附錄表1-1：抽樣之15-29歲的丈夫與其妻子之年齡差距（夫減妻）的次數分佈按夫妻省籍配對模式分 82 附錄表1-2：抽樣之15-29歲的丈夫與其妻子之教育程度的交叉比例分析按夫妻省籍配對模式分 83 附錄表2-1：抽樣之30-54歲的丈夫與其妻子之年齡差距（夫減妻）的次數分佈按夫妻省籍配對模式分 84 附錄表2-2：抽樣之30-54歲的丈夫與其妻子之教育程度的交叉比例分析按夫妻省籍配對模式分 85 附錄表3-1：抽樣之55歲以上的丈夫與其妻子之年齡差距（夫減妻）的次數分佈按夫妻省籍配對模式分 86 附錄表3-2：抽樣之55歲以上的丈夫與其妻子之教育程度的交叉比例分析按夫妻省籍配對模式分 87 / The purpose of this study is to explore the domicile difference-between Mainlanders and Taiwanese（except the Aborigines）-of distribution of marital status for total dwellers older than 15 in Taiwan Area. We argue that, dominated by somewhat disadvantageous population conditions（e.g. unbalanced sex ratio）, one who experienced his own unique life course（like migration event） must belong to some kind of marital status at a certain time according to his other characteristics such as domicile, sex, age and education, which will add up to an abcdrmal collective distribution pattern of marital status for the total population. Accordingly, this study is conducted by employing the 1990 census in Taiwan Area. Results suggest that, compared with female Mainlanders and all Taiwanese of the same cohort, the never-married and the divorced are significantly over-represented in the first-generation male Mainlanders who was older than 55 in 1990. We conclude that it is his socioeconomic status but not his domicile that determines whether the first-generation male Mainlander is never-married, married or unmarried in his late years. In other words, we believe that among the first-generation male Mainlanders does exist severe marriage stratification to some degree.