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Thesis (M.A.)--Denver Conservative Baptist Seminary, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-118).

Thesis (M.A.)--Denver Conservative Baptist Seminary, 1994. / This is an electronic reproduction of TREN, #090-0043. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-118).

La publication en 1492, par Marsile Ficin, de la première traduction latine des Ennéades et du monumental commentaire qui l’accompagne marque le retour de Plotin en Occident. Le manuscrit de travail de Ficin, le Parisinus graecus 1816 de la Bibliothèque nationale de France nous offre un témoignage exceptionnel concernant les principales étapes philosophiques et historiques qui ont marqué l’élaboration du Plotinus latinus. Les quelque 2500 annotations inscrites par Ficin sur les marges de ce manuscrit qui fut mis à sa disposition par Côme l’Ancien sont ici éditées, traduites et commentées. Cet important apparat exégétique jusque là inédit éclaire les différentes facettes du travail accompli par Ficin durant plusieurs décennies sur le texte très difficile de Plotin : des corrections apportées au texte transmis – une partie de ces interventions ont trouvé leur chemin jusque dans les éditions contemporaines sans toutefois que leur origine ait toujours été reconnue – à la confrontation doctrinale avec le néoplatonisme profondément original de Plotin, le manuscrit met en scène un Ficin soucieux d’intégrer les Ennéades dans sa vision à la fois chrétienne et platonicienne de la concordia philosophorum, mais aussi conscient des aspérités et audaces difficilement récupérables du texte plotinien. Cette lecture ficinienne des Ennéades produit à son tour de multiples échos dans l’oeuvre propre de Ficin et contribue ainsi à irriguer les débats philosophiques de la Renaissance et au-delà. / The publication in 1492 of the first Latin translation by Ficino of the Enneads and his monumental accompanying commentary marks the return of Plotinus in the West. Ficino's working manuscript, Par. gr. 1816 of the French Bibliothèque Nationale, offers us exceptional evidence concerning the major philosophical and historical milestones in the elaboration of the Plotinus latinus. The nearly 2,500 annotations written by Ficino in the margins of this manuscript, put at his disposition by Cosimo de' Medici, are here edited, translated and commented upon. This important, previously unpublished exegetical instrument illustrates the various facets of Ficino's work over several decades on Plotinus's very difficult text: through his corrections of the transmitted text – some of these interventions have found their way into contemporary editions though their origin has not always been recognised – in doctrinal confrontation with the profoundly original Platonism of Plotinus, the manuscript reveals a Ficino anxious to integrate the Enneads in his own vision – at once Christian and Platonic – of the concordia philosophorum, whilst at the same time conscious of the sneering and audacity hardly worth saving of the Plotinian text. This Ficinian reading of the Enneads found diverse echoes in Ficino's own work and thus contributed to philosophical debate in the Renaissance and beyond.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:12:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LeilaMJS.pdf: 540140 bytes, checksum: 9f60cf08f4d7511ce348a5edb9ff925e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-10-09 / The aim of the present dissertation constitutes to analyse the way in how light assumes the meaning of universal bond in the cosmovision of Marsilio Ficino, especially from his works Quid sit lumen, De Sole, De Amore and De Vita. The influence of Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499) in the history of occidental thought is impressive. Besides having translated to Latin the important texts of the neoplatonic tradition, Ficino presided over the Academy of Careggi, congregating important humanists in the top of the Renaissance. His treatises on love, beauty, light, magic and immortality of the soul have influenced strongly the production of other thinkers. The subject of light is of fundamental importance among his works since it is deeply related with all the other aspects of his philosophy. For him, light is spiritual emanation that perpasses everything without staining itself. Originated how the divine goodness, the light blows up in beauty in multiplicity, setting fire on the soul that truily contemplates it and that identifies whith it. The starting point of this loving relation between man and deity is, therefore, the physical world, that occults in itself the metaphysical light. / O objetivo da presente disserta??o constitui analisar como a luz assume o sentido de v?nculo universal na cosmovis?o de Marsilio Ficino, especialmente a partir de suas obras Quid sit lumen, De Sole, De Amore e De Vita. A influ?ncia de Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499) na hist?ria do pensamento ocidental ? impressionante. Al?m de ter traduzido para o latim textos importantes da tradi??o neoplat?nica, Ficino presidiu a Academia de Careggi, reunindo importantes humanistas no auge do Renascimento. Os seus tratados sobre amor, beleza, luz, magia e imortalidade da alma influenciaram marcantemente a produ??o de outros pensadores. O tema da luz ? de import?ncia fundamental em sua obra, pois est? profundamente relacionado com todos os outros aspectos de sua filosofia. Para ele, a luz ? ema??o espiritual que a tudo perpassa, sem se macular. Originada da bondade divina, a luz explode em beleza na multiplicidade, incendiando de amor a alma que verdadeiramente a contempla e que com ela se identifica. O ponto de partida dessa rela??o amorosa entre homem e divindade. ?, portanto, o mundo f?sico, que oculta em si a luz metaf?sica.

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Os diálogos escritos por Leão Hebreu no século XVI evidenciam como o tema amor foi objeto de contemplação filosófica no período e trazem diversas reflexões, citações, referências e amplificações de autores da Antiguidade Clássica, tanto Ocidentais como Orientais. Sobressaem Platão e Aristóteles, pois Leão Hebreu frequentemente os insere nas discussões promovidas pelas personagens Fílon e Sofia, utilizando-os como base para a construção de suas argumentações a respeito de diversos temas adjacentes ao principal. Serão discutidos os papéis dos dois filósofos gregos nos Diálogos de Amor, e para tanto, deverá ser adicionado à leitura do texto de Hebreu um outro filósofo do mesmo período: Marsílio Ficino, que possivelmente influenciou os trabalhos do primeiro, mediante as traduções que fez de alguns diálogos platônicos, a partir do testemunho latino de tais obras, no século XV. Interessa também que sejam debatidas questões referentes às especificidades que o tema amor toma ao longo da obra, mostrando de que maneira os interlocutores acreditam ser o amor a motivação, a manutenção e o fim de todas as coisas. / The dialogues written by Leone Ebreo in the 16º century evidence how the theme love was an object of philosophical contemplation at the period, and take many from Classical Antiquity authors reflections, citations, references and amplifications, as well from Occident, as much from Orient. Protrude Plato and Aristotle, for Leone Ebreo often inserts them on the discussions promoted by the characters Filo and Sophia, and use their writes as a base for the argumentations about lots of themes adjoin to the main theme. The discussions on this work will be about this two Greek philosophers on the Dialogues of Love and for this much will be add to the reading of the Leo, The Hebrews works another philosopher from the same period: Marsilio Ficino, who possibly influenced Leos works, through translations he made of some platonic dialogues, from the Latin testimony of this works at the 15º century. It is interesting to this work to discuss questions about the specifications that the theme love takes during the Dialogues, and shows how the interlocutors believe that the love is the motivation, maintenance and the end of everything.

Os diálogos escritos por Leão Hebreu no século XVI evidenciam como o tema amor foi objeto de contemplação filosófica no período e trazem diversas reflexões, citações, referências e amplificações de autores da Antiguidade Clássica, tanto Ocidentais como Orientais. Sobressaem Platão e Aristóteles, pois Leão Hebreu frequentemente os insere nas discussões promovidas pelas personagens Fílon e Sofia, utilizando-os como base para a construção de suas argumentações a respeito de diversos temas adjacentes ao principal. Serão discutidos os papéis dos dois filósofos gregos nos Diálogos de Amor, e para tanto, deverá ser adicionado à leitura do texto de Hebreu um outro filósofo do mesmo período: Marsílio Ficino, que possivelmente influenciou os trabalhos do primeiro, mediante as traduções que fez de alguns diálogos platônicos, a partir do testemunho latino de tais obras, no século XV. Interessa também que sejam debatidas questões referentes às especificidades que o tema amor toma ao longo da obra, mostrando de que maneira os interlocutores acreditam ser o amor a motivação, a manutenção e o fim de todas as coisas. / The dialogues written by Leone Ebreo in the 16º century evidence how the theme love was an object of philosophical contemplation at the period, and take many from Classical Antiquity authors reflections, citations, references and amplifications, as well from Occident, as much from Orient. Protrude Plato and Aristotle, for Leone Ebreo often inserts them on the discussions promoted by the characters Filo and Sophia, and use their writes as a base for the argumentations about lots of themes adjoin to the main theme. The discussions on this work will be about this two Greek philosophers on the Dialogues of Love and for this much will be add to the reading of the Leo, The Hebrews works another philosopher from the same period: Marsilio Ficino, who possibly influenced Leos works, through translations he made of some platonic dialogues, from the Latin testimony of this works at the 15º century. It is interesting to this work to discuss questions about the specifications that the theme love takes during the Dialogues, and shows how the interlocutors believe that the love is the motivation, maintenance and the end of everything.

La censure de la musique existe depuis l’antiquité. Aristote et Platon ont rappelé le danger de la mimesis musicale et sa valeur morale a été largement discutée par les Pères de l’église, mais le débat est également enflammé à l’époque moderne, lorsque l’on trouve deux tendances fondamentales sur les fronts catholiques et réformés : d’un côté le rôle central de la musique pour la liturgie, de l’autre le contrôle des autorités ecclésiastiques à tous les aspects de la vie des fidèles (la religion, les lectures, les croyances magiques, les habitudes alimentaires et sexuelles, et toutes les formes de sociabilité desquelles la musique est l’ingrédient essentiel). Un examen des sources peut montrer qu’aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles, le domaine dans lequel on trouve une formulation claire et des réponses à cette problématique n’est pas l’humanisme laïque. Les intérêts des humanistes se concentrent sur la reconstruction d’une grammaire des affects qui est un alibi pour l’émancipation de la musique moderne, la seconda pratiqua, et la capacité de la musique à provoquer les affects importe davantage que sa faculté à leur imposer une limite. C’est dans le terrain de la théologie et de la casuistique qu’on discute l’aspect éthique de la question. Le concile de Trente (1564) et les édits diocésains condamnent le chromatisme, la messe parodie et l’utilisation des répertoires musicaux profanes dans la liturgie. La censure de la Congrégation de l’Index et du Saint Office s’étend à toutes les pratiques de communication populaire écrites et orales, et notamment au pétrarquisme. De Savonarole à Descartes, toutes les tentatives de déterminer la valeur affective des éléments de la composition supposent un diagnostic sur les facultés de l’âme et sur ses opérations lors de la fascination. La grammaire polyphonique peut modifier par ses tressages sonores le rapport entre le texte et la mélodie, détourner l’attention et conduire l’auditeur à une transgression émotionnelle (altérité, alienatio, excessus mentis). Étant donnée la corruption de la nature humaine, l’abandon au plaisir de la mélodie constitue un désordre coupable, sans commune mesure avec la musique qui pouvait bercer l’âme harmonieuse du premier homme. Reste, comme remède, la grâce sanctifiante du texte révélé des psaumes, à utiliser comme frein modérateur pour tempérer la puissance émotive de la musique. / Is it possible to censure music? This question may sound rather extravagant, and this is perhaps why music is often overlooked in studies on ecclesiastical censorship in the early modern period, for it would seem that its very essence is incompatible with any form of control. In fact, the huge transformation the Catholic Church had to face, between the sixteenth and the seventeenth century, had a big impact on the music scene. Unavoidably, music was involved in the disputes between Catholics and Protestants as essential liturgical element. The musicologists have mainly studied the Council of Trent action, which seemed to be animated by the desire to remove the secular textual and melodic components from the church repertory. Therefore, Rome became the main center of production for sacred and spiritual music used in celebrations, devotional practices and also in teaching catechism. The case of the Society of Jesus is exemplar: music represent a powerful means of education in college programs, and a strategic tool in the catechesis work. To the enhancement of spiritual genres corresponds as well the will of ‘suppress’ the profane repertories. This is well documented during the age of Counter Reformation, by the variety of cases of ‘‘travestimento’’ which invest canzonette and madrigals. This attitude was also proved by some of the measures the ecclesiastical censure adopted against the vocal production since the seventies of the sixteenth century. In ancient Greek musical theory, harmony was seen as being endowed with a natural virtue capable of altering the rational faculties of the listener’s soul, to the extent of depriving that person of his freedom. The many ethical implications of this classical axiom featured in early modern theological debates. My thesis tries to provide a first answer to these questions by studying the conciliar decrees, the documents of the Index Congregation, the treatises on music and the manuals on demonology. These sources reveal musical censorship did not only involve zealous inquisitors battling with some licentious musician, but also the language of worship and the circulation of prohibited knowledge, which included dangers in the form of sounds that went beyond erotic seduction.

To open a different perspective on the still-discussed difference between Christian religion and magic is the task of this work. In order to reach the end successfully, that is, the fourth part of this thesis, which deals with the principle of sanctity in the Catholic Church, it was necessary to first develop the following three blocks. 1) Religious-anthropological analysis of magic ? in this part we summarize basic anthropological views on magic according to the individual researchers J.G. Frazer, E.B. Taylor, R.R. Marett, B. Malinowski, and E. de Martino. The subject of this section was the analysis of animism and the inner power of creation. 2) Magic as a part of religion ? in which we analysed the content of the concept of magic, the area where it came from, and how it was perceived in the environment of the Mediterranean European culture of ancient Rome, and how magic was discredited in the ancient "pagan" and Christian environment. 3) The interest of the sages in the phenomenon of magic ? has created a space for the issue of the magic of "barbaric" tribes, whose faith traditions have become a legitimate part of the Catholic faith. This section has also developed a "story of overly" peculiar magic adepts of the "restored" Renaissance Platonic Academy, in which M. Ficino and P. della Mirandola worked. We paid more attention to their life stories and work, for they themselves stood at the birth of an "institutional" association in the area of a sort of "applied" magism in the form of esoteric neoplatonism, hermetism, and theururgy. At this point we also found the historical model of the later Czech hermetic society Universalia, which we mentioned at the end of the work. 4) Ex opere operato et ex opere operantis ? it represents the peak of our work, opening a whole new discussion in the critique of magic and religion. Magic and Christian religion have a common root, they co-exist side by side, complement each other, and even blend in some areas of universal piety as conditions of one and the same Catholic faith.