Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucia Soares da Silva.pdf: 2000228 bytes, checksum: bbd567c308049e053bdb06ff35c4333e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Television as a producer of truths operates in the speed of the flows in the society of control. As the main media after the post-war period, television connected to the internet convokes the spectator citizen consumer to adhere and participate by the means of probing, public opinion and shared collaboration from the media democracy. As an audio-visual instrument, the television invests in collective apparatuses such as the family, while producing its programs it allies entertainment and information 24 hours per day. As a connection amplified to other technological apparatuses, it fosters the interactions and participation exercising a continuous control, modeling and adapting social relationships and promoting other realities. The modulations of the female entertainment television programs and the journalists police program produce subjectivities and re subjectivities in the spectator citizen consumer, leading it to the self government and entrepreneurship, to the conformity, balance and conservative moderation. Politics and modulations of the television entertainment: women and denunciation doesn t intend to tell, construct and re construct the origin of the programs addressed to women, but it departs from the foucaultian genealogical analysis and from deleuzian and guattarian analytical to analyze the political history of the present and its effects on women and families / A televisão como produtora de verdades opera na velocidade dos fluxos da sociedade de controle. Como a principal mídia do pós-guerra, a televisão acoplada à Internet convoca o telespectador-cidadão-consumidor a aderir e participar por meio das sondagens, opinião pública e colaborações compartilhadas da democracia midiática. Como aparelho audiovisual, a televisão investe nos equipamentos coletivos como a família e ao produzir seus programas alia entretenimento e informação, 24 horas por dia. Com uma conexão amplificada a outros aparelhos tecnológicos, fomenta a interação e participação, exercitando um controle contínuo, modelando e adaptando as relações sociais promovendo outras realidades. As modulações dos programas televisivos femininos de entretenimento e os programas jornalísticos policialescos produzem subjetividades e ressubjetivações no telespectador-cidadão-consumidor, levando-o ao empreendedorismo de si, à conformidade, equilíbrio e moderação conservadora. Política e modulações do entretenimento televisivo: mulheres e denúncias , não pretende contar, construir e reconstruir a origem dos programas destinados às mulheres, mas parte das sugestões da análise genealógica foucaultiana, da analítica deleuziana e guattariana, para revolver uma história-política do presente e seus efeitos sobre as mulheres e à família

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucia Soares da Silva.pdf: 2000228 bytes, checksum: bbd567c308049e053bdb06ff35c4333e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Television as a producer of truths operates in the speed of the flows in the society of control. As the main media after the post-war period, television connected to the internet convokes the spectator citizen consumer to adhere and participate by the means of probing, public opinion and shared collaboration from the media democracy. As an audio-visual instrument, the television invests in collective apparatuses such as the family, while producing its programs it allies entertainment and information 24 hours per day. As a connection amplified to other technological apparatuses, it fosters the interactions and participation exercising a continuous control, modeling and adapting social relationships and promoting other realities. The modulations of the female entertainment television programs and the journalists police program produce subjectivities and re subjectivities in the spectator citizen consumer, leading it to the self government and entrepreneurship, to the conformity, balance and conservative moderation. Politics and modulations of the television entertainment: women and denunciation doesn t intend to tell, construct and re construct the origin of the programs addressed to women, but it departs from the foucaultian genealogical analysis and from deleuzian and guattarian analytical to analyze the political history of the present and its effects on women and families / A televisão como produtora de verdades opera na velocidade dos fluxos da sociedade de controle. Como a principal mídia do pós-guerra, a televisão acoplada à Internet convoca o telespectador-cidadão-consumidor a aderir e participar por meio das sondagens, opinião pública e colaborações compartilhadas da democracia midiática. Como aparelho audiovisual, a televisão investe nos equipamentos coletivos como a família e ao produzir seus programas alia entretenimento e informação, 24 horas por dia. Com uma conexão amplificada a outros aparelhos tecnológicos, fomenta a interação e participação, exercitando um controle contínuo, modelando e adaptando as relações sociais promovendo outras realidades. As modulações dos programas televisivos femininos de entretenimento e os programas jornalísticos policialescos produzem subjetividades e ressubjetivações no telespectador-cidadão-consumidor, levando-o ao empreendedorismo de si, à conformidade, equilíbrio e moderação conservadora. Política e modulações do entretenimento televisivo: mulheres e denúncias , não pretende contar, construir e reconstruir a origem dos programas destinados às mulheres, mas parte das sugestões da análise genealógica foucaultiana, da analítica deleuziana e guattariana, para revolver uma história-política do presente e seus efeitos sobre as mulheres e à família

This thesis analyzes the role of the global media in world politics. The global media as a major source of information performs many functions in world politics. Due to the technological innovations both the global media and world politics has extended their scope and content. It is the aim of this thesis to explore to what extent the global media and world politics changes and to what extent the global media affect world politics. Moreover, this thesis aims to analyze the actors that play a significant role in the relation of global media and world politics. This thesis will also question the importance and effects of global media in world politics through the examples of Iraq War of 2003. This thesis argues that global media are the important actor of world politics by their agenda-setting, impediment and accelerant effects which influences public opinion. The aim of this thesis is to question the power of the global media on public opinion through the existential media structures, while showing the effects of global media by the examples of Iraq War of 2003.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:08:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 KarlaLF_DISSERT.pdf: 3843965 bytes, checksum: 7008fa90a02617a1b10eeeb3286268ec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-27 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / O trabalho investiga como ocorrem as pr?ticas de comunica??o e participa??o pol?tica nas m?dias sociais Facebook e Twitter entre eleitores e candidatos a prefeito nas elei??es 2012 em Natal (RN). Os objetivos s?o analisar as intera??es, buscando identificar os padr?es de relacionamento no envio de questionamentos e nas respostas entre esses atores, e verificar que tipos de informa??o s?o publicados pelas campanhas (assuntos, qual sua estrutura e frequ?ncia). O m?todo empregado ? o da etnografia virtual, com observa??o e descri??o das pr?ticas online. A an?lise qualitativa se baseou nos conte?dos comunicados entre 21 e 30 de setembro de 2012. Foram ainda realizadas entrevistas com os candidatos visando conhecer suas opini?es sobre o uso das m?dias sociais na pol?tica. Os resultados mostram que as campanhas adotaram ferramentas de propaga??o de conte?do e de intera??o, contudo n?o atenderam de forma integral ?s demandas dos eleitores. A maioria dos coment?rios nos perfis foram favor?veis. O potencial para conversas entre eles foi pouco aproveitado.

The primary goal of this master thesis was to analyze the development of ownership of daily newspapers in the Czech Republic in the period 2008 - 2016. The development of media ownership in the monitored period was analyzed in the context of the long term structural problems of media sector, which were intensified by the economic crisis beginning in 2008. In addition to the economic context, the thesis also deals with the historical context, specifically the changes of the Czech daily newspapers market after 1989. In connection with the transfer of ownership of the Czech publishing houses to the hands of domestic businessmen, often with direct links to politics, thesis also deals with the issue of ownership concentration and the relations between media and politics. I also mention the phenomenon of emerging new, alternative media projects by the journalists in reaction to ownership changes threatening pluralism and freedom of speech. In the end, I also compare the development of ownership of the daily newspapers in the Czech Republic with the development of ownership in other countries of the CEE region, such as Slovakia, Poland, Hungary or the Baltic States.

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La présente étude est consacrée au développement spécifique du secteur ouest-allemand de la communication d'État à l'étranger, dans le contexte des initiatives menées en France entre 1958 et 1969. L'élaboration d'une doctrine de l'information conforme à la doxa démocratique de la République fédérale d'Allemagne constitue le point de référence d'une analyse où affleurent les analogies avec la République de Weimar et les continuités dans le domaine du personnel et de l'appareil institutionnel. L'accession de la communication politique à l'étranger, domaine distinct de la diplomatie culturelle, au rang d'instrument indispensable de la politique extérieure est préalablement examinée à l'aune des efforts accomplis par le chancelier Konrad Adenauer pour conquérir une marge de manoeuvre internationale dans les premières années d'existence de la République fédérale ; l'ultimatum soviétique sur Berlin, en novembre 1958, est mis en évidence comme l'élément déclencheur de l'assentiment donné par le Parlement fédéral à la mise en oeuvre de mesures renforcées dans le domaine de l'information politique à l'étranger. La concurrence avec la RDA et l'importance de la distanciation avec la notion de propagande s'établissent comme deux critères d'analyse de l'action menée en France par la diplomatie ouest-allemande en coordination avec l'Office de presse et d'information du gouvernement fédéral. À rebours de la thèse de la « retenue », souvent utilisée pour désigner l'attitude officielle ouest-allemande à l'étranger, les procédés révèlent plutôt une action tenace, le plus souvent attentive à rester discrète, et dont les présupposés contredisent les tentatives de faire table rase du passé. / This dissertation explores the specific way in which West German governments have developed strategies in international public relations and it discusses more particularly their implementation in France between 1958 and 1969. A cornerstone of this study is the creation by the Federal Republic of Germany of an official information doctrine that was intended to reflect the democratic orthodoxy of the newly created state. Its analysis not only reveals the many continuities between the Weimar Republic and post-war West Germany, but it also points out the permanence of political staff and institutional structures. The rise of international public relations as an essential tool in the country’s foreign policy is first examined in the light of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer’s efforts to make the FRG regain international leeway in its early first few years. Secondly, this study demonstrates that the Soviets’ Berlin ultimatum in November 1958 led the West German Parliament to agree with the reinforcement of the country’s international public relations policy. Competition with the German Democratic Republic as well as the West German governments’ need to stay well away from propaganda are the two criteria which inform the analysis of the action carried out in France by West German diplomatic services in cooperation with the Federal Press and Information Office. Whereas West Germany’s official attitude overseas has frequently been described as “non-assertive”, this dissertation contends that it should more justly be reassessed as a form of relentless, albeit it carefully discreet, action. The way it operated went against the official claim that West Germany was doing away with its past.

The Great Recession that followed the financial crisis of 2008 had a devastating impact on workers, leading to high levels of unemployment and underemployment, increased job insecurity and stagnant or declining wages. While the legitimation crisis of neoliberalism could be viewed as a turning point for labour internationally, the immediate response by political parties across the spectrum was one of austerity measures and cuts to welfare. As the largest collective representatives of workers, trade unions are at the forefront of mobilisations attempting to challenge this consensus. Simultaneously, they are engaging in new activities to enhance public awareness and understanding of the crucial role that trade unions play in the labour market. Thus, the 21st century crisis is creating both challenges and opportunities. Each trade union movement’s response depends on the different forms of power they possess and choose to deploy, their strategies and allegiances, and the specific socio-economic and political context in which they are situated. Questions concerning what constitutes union power and the ways in which it is being exercised and revitalized therefore represent fascinating lines of enquiry to explore. To do so, however, requires a new perspective on trade union power that recognises the significance of the media which has been overlooked in industrial relations theory. Drawing on insights from industrial relations, the sociology of media and social movement studies, this thesis proposes the concept of communicative power to trace how trade unions produce and circulate discourse through the media (either union-owned or corporate) to a mass audience. Methodologically, it uses the tripartite approach which focuses our attention onto three key communication processes involved in trade union attempts to exercise communicative power: the production of union discourse, the circulation of union discourse, and the reception of union discourse. This is applied to four cases involving seven union organisations in the UK and Denmark over a five-year period 2010-2015. Data was gathered using 40 semi-structured interviews with union officials and activists, content analysis of newspapers, union media outlets and social media, and secondary survey data. In sum, this thesis argues that the media is, and always has been, central to how trade unions exercise and revitalize power in society. And within the context of accelerating digital capitalism, it looks set to becoming an increasingly important determinant of their future trajectory.

Governor John B. Connally Jr., who served as chief executive of the State of Texas from 1963.to 1969, made extensive use of the mass communication media to further both his programs and his own political fortune. It is the purpose of this study to examine the history of Connally's use of the media, to evaluate the degree of success he achieved in the use of the media, and to present evidence of how he was able to achieve success in the use of the media. The study was done in three phases. In the first phase, microfilm files of two newspapers, the Dallas News and the Houston Chronicle, were studied in detail for the years 1962 through 1968. Clipping files of the Associated Press in Austin and the Dallas Times Herald also were studied for the years in question. Also, the New York Times Index was examined for references to Connally during these years. Such references were then checked on microfilm files of the Times. In the second phase, key members of Connally's staff for those years and key members of the capitol press corps in Austin were interviewed. As a third step, a questionnaire was mailed to 25 selected Texas editors soliciting their views on Connally's press relations.

We are inundated by a constant feed of media that responds and adapts in real time to the impulses of our psyches and the dimensions of our devices. Beneath the surface, this stream of information is directed by hidden, automated controls and steered by political agendas. The transmission of information has evolved into a spiral of entropy, and the boundaries between author, content, platform, and receiver have blurred. This reductive space of responsive media is a catalyst for immense political and cultural change, causing us to question our notions of authority, truth, and reality.