Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MarceloBG.pdf: 559405 bytes, checksum: 2ced3ec27cccc61ef4a68a88a64d90fb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-04-20 / Descreve-se aqui a forma??o da Imagem P?blica de Luis In?cio Lula da Silva atrav?s do Hor?rio Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral, nas quatro elei??es presidenciais que marcaram o per?odo de democratiza??o do Pa?s: 1989, 1994, 1998 e 2002. O fato de um candidato contr?rio ?s elites, tr?s vezes derrotado em elei??es anteriores, conseguir convencer atrav?s da m?dia a eleg?-lo eleitores que votavam antes em seus advers?rios, demonstra que a democracia representativa brasileira ? institucionalmente compat?vel com regime de informa??o imposto pelos meios de comunica??o de massa na sociedade atual? Al?m de comprovar a preponder?ncia da Imagem P?blica em processos eleitorais em que o Cen?rio de Representa??o da Pol?tica se caracteriza pela imprevisibilidade, a pesquisa constatou ainda que a atual luta pol?tica, mais que uma luta meramente pela visibilidade imposta pela TV e pelos meios de comunica??o em geral ainda ? uma disputa pol?tica. E que a m?dia enquadra a pol?tica, mas tamb?m ? por ela agendada, principalmente em momentos de grande incerteza pol?tica e/ou pouca previsibilidade eleitoral

Orientador: Juliano Maurício de Carvalho / Banca: Maria Cristina Gobbi / Banca: Adilson Cabral / Resumo: A pesquisa parte da afirmação de Habermas (1997) de que, em sociedades democráticas complexas, a esfera pública forma uma estrutura comunicativa baseada em microesferas públicas ou arenas públicas, nas quais as opiniões públicas se consolidam e são levadas ao debate público, e que esses espaços democráticos de discussão, embora não tenham o poder de decisão administrativa, podem contribuir para a composição de uma opinião pública suficientemente representativa capaz de influenciar, ainda que sem garantias, os processos de decisão política na medida em que suas mensagens percorrem as instâncias de decisão constitucionalmente consolidadas e coagem os agentes políticos - levando-se em consideração que a esfera pública, ou o fluxo de informação nela existente, é estruturado em grande medida pelos veículos de comunicação de massa regidos por interesses comerciais. Para tanto, a dissertação utiliza os métodos descritivo e dialético com o fenômeno das rádios comunitárias e suas atribuições em sociedades democráticas, evidenciando elementos comuns à estrutura do conceito de arena pública, de modo a evidenciar que uma rádio comunitária pode ser considerada uma arena pública. A dissertação faz uso de pesquisas documental e bibliográfica, já que a investigação será sustentada por materiais já publicados - como livros, artigos de periódicos e disponibilizados na internet, como documentos e relatórios de entidades da sociedade civil e do Estado. Por fim, a dissertação sugere parâmetros para a análise sobre a atuação das rádios comunitárias como arenas públicas, que estão ligado, sobretudo, ao nível de participação da população no debate empreendido na rádio comunitária e a estrutura consolidada no veículo para esse fim / Abstract: The inquiry leaves from the affirmation of Habernas (1997) of which, in democratic complex societies, the public sphere forms a communicative structure based on public microsphere or public arenas, in which the public opinions are consolidated and are taken to the public discussion, and which these democratic spaces of discussion, though they have not the power of administrative decision, can still contribute to the composition of a sufficiently representative public opinion able to influence, that without guarantees, the processes of political decision in so far as his messages go through the persistence of decision constitutionally consolidated and compel the political agents - when are taken into account that the public aphere, or the flow of information in existent her, is structured in a large extent by the vehicles of communication of mass governed by commercial interests. For so much, the dissertation uses the descriptive and dialect methods with the objective to expose the characteristics of the phenomenon of the communication radios and his atributions in democratic societies, showing common elements up to the structure of the concept of public arena, of way to show up that a communitarian radio can be considered a public arena. The dissertation does use of documentary and bibliographical inquiries, since the investigation will be supported by already published materials - like books, article of magazines and available in the Internet, like documents and reports of entities of the civil society and of the State. Finally, the dissertation suggests parameters for the analysis on the acting of the communication radios like public arenas, which are tied, especially, at the level of participation of the population in the discussion undertaken in the communication radio and the structure consolidated in the vehicle for this end / Mestre

(in English): This thesis studies political pundits in the US who utilise YouTube as their main channel of communication. In particular, it studies a possible impact which political pundits in the non-traditional media might have in polarising the public and this in comparison with political pundits in the traditional media. The goal of this thesis is to better understand what makes the YouTube based political pundits different from their traditional news counterparts and which underlying messages we can find in their news reporting. The work uses the theoretical background of the echo chamber theory to utilise the content analysis methods in three major steps. First, categories are being established for predetermined dimensions using an exploratory content analysis of the biggest three traditional news outlets in the US. Using the established dimensions and categories, a quantitative content analysis is conducted on seven chosen non-tradition news outlets based exclusively on YouTube. To further explore the way by means of which these outlets present their messages, a qualitative content analysis is done on selected stories. It has been found that non-traditional media outlets are in general more inclined to talk about policy than traditional news outlets. It also has been found that YouTube based...

This paper addresses the pressing problem of the surge in crime in Sweden, which has led to substantial uncertainty about its underlying causes. By investigating the correlation between socio-economic factors and crime on a municipality level from 2015 to 2020, we aim to provide valuable insights into understanding and effectively tackling this issue. Specifically, we examine the role of male immigrants, income, education level, and population density, contributing to the field of economics by shedding light on potential economic policies that can effectively reduce overall crime rates. Additionally, we focus on gun violence, considering Sweden's notorious reputation in recent years, to comprehensively analyze the relationship between these factors and crime. Our empirical analysis, employing the Fixed Effects Model and Pearson Correlation Matrix, explores these connections, revealing both inconclusive evidence regarding the link between immigration and crime and ambiguous conclusions for the remaining independent variables. These findings have important implications for policymakers striving to address the urgent problem of rising crime in Sweden.

This research analyzes the political and social engagement of UCF College of Business students in order to grasp a better understanding of what youth engagement looks like in the 21st century. Through the implementation of a survey, data is collected on the level of students' social involvement, political participation, and civic engagement – the three vital metrics of citizen engagement. These metrics are then split across the online and offline realm, as well as across key demographics of race, gender identity, political ideology, and party affiliation. Data is also collected about which social media platforms students engage most on, allowing us to understand what demographics of students are participating in society and where they are doing so.

Esta tese analisa a atuação das empresas de televisão como grupos de interesse, a partir do estudo de caso sobre o processo decisório da política de classificação indicativa, que determina a faixa etária mínima e a faixa horária a que se recomendam os programas de entretenimento na televisão aberta. O processo transcorreu desde 1988 até 2016, mas tem seu período mais importante entre 2006 e 2007, foco principal da tese. O problema investigado é como, e em que medida, as empresas de televisão, em sua atuação como grupo de interesse no caso da classificação indicativa, utilizaram os recursos políticos que controlam diretamente. Utiliza-se a metodologia de process-tracing, combinando análise de documentos, análise de cobertura dos meios de comunicação e entrevistas em profundidade com participantes dos três poderes, das empresas, de entidades da sociedade civil e do Ministério Público. Os achados revelam atuação política permanente das empresas durante duas décadas, sustentada no uso forte de estratégias e táticas ordinárias de pressão política e no uso moderado de estratégias e táticas peculiares, possíveis devido ao controle que as empresas exercem do acesso à esfera pública. Ao fazer a análise do caso da classificação indicativa sob a luz de outros casos de negociação de políticas de comunicação no mesmo período, a tese identifica padrões de relação Estado-sociedade distintos dentro do mesmo governo, e revela que posição ideológica, contexto político, processos de articulação e mobilização social e processos políticos robustos são elementos determinantes da capacidade de o governo federal obter sucesso em suas tentativas de implantar políticas públicas de comunicação. A tese conclui que as empresas de televisão constituem, per se, um centro de poder que é interlocutor qualificado do poder político em escala nacional, e reforça o entendimento de que a relação entre comunicação e política não pode ser compreendida apenas como de influência entre dois campos, mas deve partir do reconhecimento das empresas de televisão como atores políticos. / This thesis analyzes the performance of television companies as an interest group, based on the case study on the decision-making process of the parental guidance policy, which determines the minimum age range and the hourly range for entertainment programs on free-to-air television. The process ran from 1988 to 2016, but it has its most important period between 2006 and 2007, the main focus of the thesis. The problem investigated is how, and to what extent, television companies have used the political resources they directly control in their performance as an interest group in the case of parental guidance. The methodology of processtracing is adopted, combining analysis of documents, analysis of media coverage and in-depth interviews with participants of the three powers, companies, civil society organizations and the Federal Persecution Service. The findings reveal permanent political performance of the companies during two decades, based on the strong use of ordinary strategies and tactics of political pressure and on a moderate use of peculiar strategies and tactics, possible due to the companies\' control of access to the public sphere. In making the analysis of the case of parental guidance policy in the light of other cases of negotiation of communication policies in the same period, the thesis identifies distinct state-society relationship patterns within the same government, and reveals that ideological position, political context, processes articulation and social mobilization and robust political processes are elements that determine the capacity of the federal government to succeed in its attempts to implement public communication policies. The thesis concludes that television companies constitute, per se, a power center that is a qualified interlocutor of political power on a national scale and reinforces the understanding that the relationship between communication and politics cannot be comprehended only on the basis of the influence between two fields, but must start from the recognition of television companies as political actors.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:24:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-09-28Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:51:32Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 lourenco_al_me_bauru.pdf: 509623 bytes, checksum: ae26aa801dc6741007e2883e04d3dcd2 (MD5) / Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP) / A pesquisa parte da afirmação de Habermas (1997) de que, em sociedades democráticas complexas, a esfera pública forma uma estrutura comunicativa baseada em microesferas públicas ou arenas públicas, nas quais as opiniões públicas se consolidam e são levadas ao debate público, e que esses espaços democráticos de discussão, embora não tenham o poder de decisão administrativa, podem contribuir para a composição de uma opinião pública suficientemente representativa capaz de influenciar, ainda que sem garantias, os processos de decisão política na medida em que suas mensagens percorrem as instâncias de decisão constitucionalmente consolidadas e coagem os agentes políticos - levando-se em consideração que a esfera pública, ou o fluxo de informação nela existente, é estruturado em grande medida pelos veículos de comunicação de massa regidos por interesses comerciais. Para tanto, a dissertação utiliza os métodos descritivo e dialético com o fenômeno das rádios comunitárias e suas atribuições em sociedades democráticas, evidenciando elementos comuns à estrutura do conceito de arena pública, de modo a evidenciar que uma rádio comunitária pode ser considerada uma arena pública. A dissertação faz uso de pesquisas documental e bibliográfica, já que a investigação será sustentada por materiais já publicados - como livros, artigos de periódicos e disponibilizados na internet, como documentos e relatórios de entidades da sociedade civil e do Estado. Por fim, a dissertação sugere parâmetros para a análise sobre a atuação das rádios comunitárias como arenas públicas, que estão ligado, sobretudo, ao nível de participação da população no debate empreendido na rádio comunitária e a estrutura consolidada no veículo para esse fim / The inquiry leaves from the affirmation of Habernas (1997) of which, in democratic complex societies, the public sphere forms a communicative structure based on public microsphere or public arenas, in which the public opinions are consolidated and are taken to the public discussion, and which these democratic spaces of discussion, though they have not the power of administrative decision, can still contribute to the composition of a sufficiently representative public opinion able to influence, that without guarantees, the processes of political decision in so far as his messages go through the persistence of decision constitutionally consolidated and compel the political agents - when are taken into account that the public aphere, or the flow of information in existent her, is structured in a large extent by the vehicles of communication of mass governed by commercial interests. For so much, the dissertation uses the descriptive and dialect methods with the objective to expose the characteristics of the phenomenon of the communication radios and his atributions in democratic societies, showing common elements up to the structure of the concept of public arena, of way to show up that a communitarian radio can be considered a public arena. The dissertation does use of documentary and bibliographical inquiries, since the investigation will be supported by already published materials - like books, article of magazines and available in the Internet, like documents and reports of entities of the civil society and of the State. Finally, the dissertation suggests parameters for the analysis on the acting of the communication radios like public arenas, which are tied, especially, at the level of participation of the population in the discussion undertaken in the communication radio and the structure consolidated in the vehicle for this end

Political climates are undoubtedly changing across the nation and creating volatile fluctuations of attitudes, beliefs, and behavior. In a more entertaining season of presidential primaries, both parties – Democratic and Republican – have nominees that will once again be scrutinized by many across the country. I argue the levels of scrutiny will more likely than not be enhanced to new proportions. Since a consistent reliance on media involvement and attack ads have grown immensely amongst presidential candidates, this will translate into a wider gap in party polarization and subsequently tie into the trust of American citizens. Previous scholars have shown consistent data that political trust has no bearing on the actual turnout of presidential elections (Citrin 1974). But, historic distrustful ratings between major-party candidates may prove to alter political cultures for subsequent years. In this study, I thoroughly examine the growing significance of political trust on presidential voting in the United States.

No description available.

The Master thesis Slovenian media system in comparison with Hallin's and Mancini's models tries to analyze the media system in Slovenia in order to conclude whether it can be classified into one of the models defined in the book Comparing media systems: three models of media and politics. The theoretical part deals with analysis of three models (polarized pluralist, democratic corporatist, liberal) and their main features. The second section then analyzes the various segments of the Slovenian media (print media, radio, television) and other aspects essential for comparative analysis, such as professionalism, regulation, media ownership and political parallelism. The paper seeks a critical evaluation of all these aspects and their inclusion in the broader context of media and all- society environment. Emphasis has been placed on the characteristics and trends typical of the Slovenian media system, in particular the consequences associated with "wild privatization" of the media and the subsequent interconnection of the world media and politics. Comparative part is based on the effort to determine whether these characteristics Slovenian media system fully belong to any of the presented models, or to what extent can similarities be regarded as significant.