L’affirmation que les médias constituent le « quatrième pouvoir » semble appartenir à ces évidences que l’on ne questionne pas toujours tant de la part des professionnels des médias que de certains intellectuels. Vérité qui semble d’autant plus évidente que les médias en démontrent l’effectivité par leur capacité à mobiliser les publics autour d’un événement ou encore d’une série télévisuelle. Pour ne pas transformer une telle assertion en un « concept mou », il fallait la mettre à l’épreuve en l’appliquant à un contexte (le Sénégal) et à une époque (1960-2000), et surtout à un groupe particulier, celui des intellectuels. L’avantage de ce groupe est qu’il est doté de compétences (savoir et savoir-faire) lui donnant un « pouvoir » symbolique. C’est ainsi que dans le contexte sénégalais, ces derniers consolideront au fil du temps leur « puissance » par l’intermédiaire des divers supports (revues, romans, essais, etc.), mais aussi par les débats publics et les grandes manifestations intellectuelles (congrès, symposiums, festivals, etc.). Ces divers modes de légitimation et de consécration qui prouvent leur degré d’engagement, seront confrontés aux médias qui, en se multipliant à partir des années 80, développent des stratégies d’influence fondées sur la visibilité et l’utilisation accrue des langues nationales. Ce qui aura comme effets émergents non seulement de faire émerger de nouvelles légitimités sociales, mais encore de dégager de nouvelles configurations socioculturelles, politiques, intellectuelles et publiques, notamment une figure intellectuelle plus attentive aux créations culturelles locales. / The assertion that the medias have become the “fourth power” seems to be part of the self-evident facts that the professionals of the medias as well some intellectuals need not always question. A truth that is all the more obvious because the medias regularly prove it through their capacity to mobilize people around an event or even a televised series. In order not to turn such an assertion into a “soft concept”, it has been worth putting it to the practical test within the context of Senegal during the period (1960-2000) by chiefly applying it to the particular group of the intellectuals. The advantage of such a group lies on its competences (knowledge and know-how) that have given it a symbolic “power”. Thus, in the Senegalese context the intellectuals have consolidated, in the long run, their “strength” through various means of publications (journals, novels, essays, etc.), as well as through public debates and important intellectual gatherings (congresses, symposiums, festivals etc.). Those various ways of official recognition and consecration, that have proven their level of commitment, have confronted the medias which, by growing in large numbers in the 80s, have developed influential strategies based on visibility and the increased use of the national languages. The consequent emerging effects have not only made new social legitimacies rise up, but have also caused new sociocultural, political, intellectual and public configurations come out, especially an intellectual figure that has been more attentive to the cultural creations.

Qu’est-ce qui se négocie, s’invente, ou se noue, dans les trames de l’histoire intergénérationnelle, à travers le processus d’arrachement et de rattachement à l’islam des étudiantes descendantes de migrants originaires du Maghreb ? S’y dessine une dialectique de l’arrachement et du rattachement qui donne sens et forme aux recompositions religieuses opérées par les filles en même temps qu’à leur rapport complexe à la société française, où se projette leur volonté affirmée d’exister comme sujet féminin autonome. Inhérent à la dynamique du processus d’expérimentation de la jeunesse, révélateur des tensions, des doutes et des contradictions, la conflictualité qui hérisse cette quête d’autonomie la signale comme un marqueur de rupture identitaire qui modifie en profondeur les relations intergénérationnelles. Ce processus, à la fois cohérent dans son unité et scandé par de grandes ruptures, se déroule dans une trajectoire en quatre phases traversées par une même dialectique de l’arrachement et du rattachement :1/ le temps du questionnement identitaire, temps de la déstabilisation de l’identité individuelle et du rejet des marqueurs ethniques ; 2/ le temps « de l’adolescence », temps des choix et de la rappropriation de l’origine ; 3/ le temps « exploratoire » des possibles religieux, temps de l’affranchissement de la transmission patriarcale et de la libre enquête autodidactique ; 4/ le temps de la « militance », temps de l’invention d’une islamité féminine originale des « soeurs ». In fine, se pose la question de la possibilité d’une émancipation féminine structurée par l’engagement religieux auprès des 31 étudiantes de Bordeaux et d’ailleurs. / What sort of bargaining or devising attitude or even deciding point is to be found in the yarns of the weft of their personal history down through generations when young female students descendants of Maghreb migrant families choose to experiment islam ? So “entry” into religion cannot be regarded as a sudden occurrence. It is an intense dialectical process, of painful separations followed by renewed ties which gives meaning to even shapes identity reconstruction of these young women. Simultaneously, the dialectic also clarifies the complex relationships which the latter have with French society. Here there is no change in religion rather a conversional process marked by an « entrance » in an Islamic religious time and space which is not obvious for them. It is a Muslim religious belonging which the girls choose, as opposed to their family heritage and in the feminist vision of the integration model like “Frenchies”. The typical ideal path of French female students’ process to Islam goes through four analytic phases and ultimately raises the issue of a possible emancipation of women structured by religious commitment. The different phases of a religious trajectory examined in our study are as follows: the first phase is one of questioning identity, destabilization of individual identity and rejection of ethnic markers. The second is the phase of adolescence. The third is the exploratory phase of religious possibilities. Finally, the fourth and last phase is a time for religious activism (University/halqa/mosque). Thus, the quest for emancipated behavior, part of a process of modernity, occurs through their religious experiment. among 31 students in Bordeaux, Grenoble and Marseilles.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T13:54:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FranciscoCL.pdf: 2250763 bytes, checksum: f844766a9c493b75c146129bf273502f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-08-21 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / With more or less 213.000 habitants, Mossor? is the second more developed city from the Rio Grande do Norte. The town is proclamated like the land of freedom. To so far, exist four moments in your history related with the defence of freedom that is point like truthful from so proclamation. Suchlike happenings are the first female vote on Brazil, the resistance against the Lampi?o s band, the worman s mutiny and the slave release in 1883, five year before the ?urea law sanction. These happenings are commemorate yearly on setember with one big theatrical event called by the freedom high. Inside this contexto of exaltation to freedom, there is one black movement by name black and beautiful. Is the present dissertation, talked about the building of black identities between the black militants of Mossor? and the dwellers from the Santo Ant?nio district. With such approach, we intend to think about possibles differences or likeness, how the militants and dwellers from the refered district self-calleds like blacks or not. We are understanding black identity like one process to self-affirmation done by specificities of the social context and the individual particularity. This way, the identity change into one dynamic and contextual reality, gone always by one business process against the interaction of the social actors. So we search to discuss the specificities that involve the process to building of black identities in the city of freedom / Com aproximadamente 213 000 habilitantes, Mossor? ? a segunda cidade mais desenvolvida do estado do Rio Grande do Norte. A cidade ? proclamada como a terra da liberdade. Para tanto, existem quatro momentos da sua hist?ria relacionados com a defesa da liberdade que s?o apontados como legitimadores de tal proclama??o. Tais acontecimentos s?o o primeiro voto feminino do Brasil, a resist?ncia contra o bando de Lampi?o, o Motim das Mulheres e a liberta??o dos escravos em 1883, cincos anos antes da san??o da Lei ?urea. Esses acontecimentos s?o comemorados anualmente no m?s de setembro com um grande evento teatral denominado de o Auto da Liberdade. Dentro deste contexto de exalta??o ? liberdade, existe um movimento negro por nome de Negro e Lindo. Na presente disserta??o, discutimos a constru??o de identidades negras entre os militantes negros de Mossor? e entre moradores do bairro Santo Ant?nio. Com tal abordagem, pretendemos refletir sobre as poss?veis diferen?as ou semelhan?as na forma como os militantes e os moradores do referido bairro se auto-afirmam como negros ou n?o. Estamos entendendo identidade negra como um processo de auto-afirma??o elaborado a partir das especificidades do contexto social e das particularidades individuais. Desse modo, a identidade torna-se uma realidade din?mica e contextual, implicando sempre em processos de negocia??es mediante as intera??es dos atores sociais. Portanto, buscamos discutir as especificidades que envolvem os processos de constru??o de identidades negras na cidade da liberdade

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La thèse repose sur une étude longitudinale d’une technologie de réseau émergente (le logiciel MESH Commotion) et des agencements d’actants qui l’entourent (personnes, objets, organisations, discours, etc.). Ce dispositif, parce qu’il revendique explicitement qu’il est politique au sein de différents plis socio-historiques, produit différentes versions de lui-même qui articulent de manière singulière les notions d’agentivité, d’infrastructures et de biens communs. Par cette politique ouverte et assumée, il nous invite à comprendre la notion de médiation sous un jour nouveau : la médiation infrastructurelle. L’enquête menée rend compte des différentes interprétations de ce logiciel ; elle cherche à comprendre si cette technologie représente une forme de démonstrateur qui permet de penser différemment les forces des infrastructures de télécommunications et leurs emprises sur le lien social. Pour ce faire, ce travail se caractérise par un parcours ethnographique particulier qui, par le milieu, saisit les manières dont différentes versions de ce dispositif sociotechnique sont instaurées. Les résultats de la recherche rendent compte des tâtonnements successifs des acteurs qui visent à faire émerger une forme sociotechnique encore peu reconnue, mais ils dévoilent également les éléments nécessaires à une opération de médiation infrastructurelle. / This dissertation is concerned with a longitudinal study of a computer network technology referred to as the Commotion wireless MESH software, and the assemblages of actants that come into contact with it (such as people, objects, organizations, discourses, etc.). I argue that this apparatus produces different versions of itself that uniquely relates the concepts of agency, infrastructure and the Commons because it explicitly claims to be both technical and political within different socio-historical folds. By assuming such an overt political stance, it invites us to think through the notion of mediation in a new light (infrastructural mediation). My research methods reflect different interpretations of this software by seeking to understand whether this wireless mesh network technology represents a compromise solution to redefining the forces that constitute telecommunications infrastructure and its hold on the social bond. To do so, my dissertation expands on a particular ethnographic path which, “by the middle”, attempts to understand the ways in which the existence of a socio-technical system is established. I argue that the establishment of a socio-technical apparatus does not amount to pulling it out of thin air, but rather to make it become what it is. The findings reflect the successive trials and errors that go into this process of developing a sociotechnical and mediatic form that has yet to be recognized, while also shoring up the constitutive elements of a mediation process between the Commons and telecommunications infrastructure.