Den här studien är ett bidrag till forskning om hur genus påverkar beslutsfattande i kris. Syftet med den här studien är att undersöka om graden av manlig dominans i parlamentet påverkar benägenheten för en våldsinriktad krishantering. Manlig dominans, demokrati och korruption samt staters benägenhet att använda våld verkar hänga ihop, men med komplexa samband och relationer. Som teoretisk ram används genusforskning från främst kritiska maskulinitetsstudier. Homosocialt kapital är en viktig valuta för politiker, dels för att kunna klara av situationer av osäkerhet, dels av pragmatiska skäl för att bygga politiska nätverk. Militariserad maskulinitet visar på graden av militarism i samhället och kopplar detta till normen om hegemonisk maskulinitet. Studien visar att graden av manlig dominans, demokrati och korruption är viktiga informella strukturer som i samverkan kan skapa en benägenhet för en våldsinriktad krishantering. Studien grundar sig i en kvantitativ undersökning med en statistisk design. Urvalet baseras på de länder som upplevt en kris med militära säkerhetsimplikationer under åren 1997-2007. Modellen med manlig dominans, demokrati och korruption kan predicera vilka stater i materialet som är mer benägna att använda våld som första respons när de upplever en kris. Studien visar att ett genusperspektiv på krishantering kan ställa nya frågor om kvalitén på demokrati och gott styre samt beslutsfattande i kris.

This dissertation studies the intersections of militarism, climate change, and environmental justice in U.S. literature and popular culture since the end of the Cold War. The project identifies different mechanisms enacting environmental military violence through discursive analysis of literary and cultural texts, and considers the ideas, values, and beliefs that support environmental military violence. In each chapter I trace a different dynamic of environmental violence structured through the logics of U.S. counterinsurgency theory by examining what I call “narrative political ecologies”—cultural texts that center concerns of ecology and broadly defined political economy. Chapter I establishes the stakes and questions of the dissertation. The next two chapters investigate the dynamics of environmental violence depicted within narrative political ecologies. Chapter II investigates how eruptive interpersonal violence secures more insidious, hidden forms of slow environmental violence in Héctor Tobar’s The Tattooed Soldier. Chapter III considers the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands and the environmental military violence responsible for the deaths of undocumented migrants by examining Luis Alberto Urrea’s The Devil’s Highway and the Electronic Disturbance Theater’s Transborder Immigrant Tool. Chapter IV turns to potential f wars and conflicts that may be caused by climate change as they have been depicted in speculative fiction. In novels depicting climate migrants, such as Octavia Butler’s Parable of the Sower (1993) and Parable of the Talents (2014), I show that even politically progressive, intersectional approaches to environmental endangerment naturalize conflict and occlude dialogic solutions to environmental change. The final chapter traces how the environmental refugee has become a paradigmatic figure in climate change discourse, particularly the aspects of this discourse where issues of national security are articulated. At the center of these texts is the figure of the migrant and narratives of migrations, and I argue that the figure of the environmental migrant offers a privileged vantage on the constitutive forces of the Anthropocene. The dissertation identifies the specific literary and rhetorical techniques that authors use to contest environmental militarization and expand the U.S. public’s capacity to creatively and compassionately reason around increased flows of environmental migrants— issues of vital importance for humane climate change adaptation.

abstract: Guantánamo: The Amen Temple of Empire connects the fetishization of the trauma of nine/eleven with the co-constitution of subjects at Guantánamo—that of the contained Muslim terrorist prisoner silhouetted against the ideal nationalistic military body—circulated as ‘afterimages’ that carry ideological narratives about U.S. Empire. These narratives in turn religiously and racially charge the new normative practices of the security state and its historically haunted symbolic order. As individuals with complex subjectivities, the prisoners and guards are, of course, not reducible to the standardizing imprimatur of the state or its narratives. Despite the circulation of these ‘afterimages’ as fixed currency, the prisoners and guards produce their own metanarratives, through their para-ethnographic accounts of containment and of self. From within the panopticon of the prison, they seek sight lines, and gaze back at the state. This dissertation is thus a meditation on US militarism, violence, torture, race, and carceral practices, revealed thematically through metaphors of hungry ghosts, nature, journey and death, liminality, time, space, community, and salvage. Based on a multi-sited, empirical and imaginary ethnography, as well as textual and discourse analysis, I draw on the writing and testimony of prisoners, and military and intelligence personnel, whom I consider insightful para-ethnographers of the haunting valence of this fetishized historical event. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Religious Studies 2018

Orientador: Nuno Cesar Pereira de Abreu / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Artes / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T18:27:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maia_PauloRobertodeAzevedo_M.pdf: 747136 bytes, checksum: 6a9422e12487c6f2dda271d54cd50823 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Esse trabalho procura discutir a trajetória histórica e a constituição da linguagem do cinejornal Canal 100. A abordagem cinematográfica desse periódico foi, de forma não oficial, condizente com a proposta de leitura do Brasil feita pelo projeto de propaganda política do regime militar que procurou se distanciar dos tipos clássicos de propaganda. A história do cinejornalismo foi motivo de discussão, verificando a presença de vários governos no incentivo a produção e na sua utilização política. A história do Canal 100 (1959-1986) foi abordada com ênfase na figura do seu criador Carlos Niemeyer e suas relações com os governos militares. O formato do cinejornal foi estudado para uma melhor compreensão da sua estrutura narrativa e, particularmente, as imagens relativas ao futebol, responsáveis pela manutenção do Canal 100 na memória de algumas gerações / Abstract: This document discusses the historical route and the establishment of language of Canal 100, a movie news periodical. The movie approach of this series was conducted in non-official form according to the proposal of interpretation of Brazil made by the political propaganda project of the military regime which attempted to distinguish itself from classical forms of propaganda. The history of news movies was discussed, confirming the presence of various governments in the sponsoring of production and its political use. The history of Canal 100 (1959-1986) was remarkably emphasized by the figure of its director, Carlos Niemeyer and his relations with the military Governments. The format of the news movie series was studied for a better understanding of its narrative structure and especially the images related to soccer, responsible for the permanence of Canal 100 in the memory of several generations / Mestrado / Mestre em Multimeios

Esta investigación analiza la cobertura periodística sobre hípica del diario “El Comercio” en los años 30, cuando el contexto político peruano era protagonizado por el tercer militarismo. La historia peruana toma un giro en esta época donde el militarismo hacía un pacto con la oligarquía para permanecer en el poder indirectamente. Las revisiones de textos periodísticos comprueban que el hipódromo, más que ser un centro deportivo, era un espacio de reunión social; asimismo, la prensa cubría al personaje más que a la noticia. Para el análisis se realizó revisión bibliográfica, la búsqueda y lectura de archivos periodísticos de aquellos años en el ya mencionado diario que, en aquella época, cubría a la hípica como deporte importante. El objetivo de este trabajo es conocer el uso de recursos periodísticos en aquellos años para señalar el vínculo entre el poder, el Estado y la prensa peruana en ese contexto. / This research analyzes the journalistic coverage on equestrian of the newspaper "El Comercio" in the 1930s, when the Peruvian political context was led by the third militarism. Peruvian history takes a turn in this era where militarism made a pact with the oligarchy to remain in power indirectly. Journalistic text reviews prove that the racecourse rather than being a sports center was a space for social gathering, the press itself covered the character rather than the news. For the analysis, a literature review was carried out, the search and reading of journalistic archives of those years in the before mentioned newspaper that at that time covered horse riding as an important sport. The objective of this work is to know the use of journalistic resources in those years to indicate the link between the power, the state and the Peruvian press. / Tesis

No description available.

I denna uppsats granskas militariserad säkerhet i relation till kvinnors osäkerhet. Uppsatsen genomsyras av ett genusperspektiv och berör skadliga sociala normer såsom våldsuttryck knutna till maskulinitetsideal, nationens betydelse, maskuliniseringen av den säkerhetspolitiska arenan och hur den Amerikanska armén använde sig av feminisering som förhörsmetod i det skandalomsusade Irakiska fängelset Abu Ghraib. Uppsatsen finner att militariserad säkerhet utgör ett hot mot kvinnors säkerhet i och med den könsmaktsordning som upprätthålls och förstärks i samband med konflikt och militär närvaro och som resulterar i specifikt våld riktat mot kvinnor och feminiserade grupper.

This thesis investigates militarization in Sweden through a previously unknown position within the Swedish Civil defense organization, “civil commander” (civilbefälhavare). It will shed light on the factors behind why the militarily neutral country created this rather unique position, how it changed during the mere fifty years in service, and why it was ultimately decommissioned. This paper will also explore what the civil commander can reveal about the level of militarization, and possibly militarism, in Sweden during the period. Through examination of the greater civil defense organizational structure, and fundamental changes in warfare and by drawing upon state produced documents, bills, laws and regulations, it will construct a deeper understanding of the civil commander role. Theoretical concepts such as militarization, militarism, and civil-military relations will consequently be explored and are instrumental for the militarization theory molded by this thesis. Militarism evolved and persisted in modern societies and in light of the looming fear of new total and frontless wars. Sweden couldn’t from 1945 militarize itself at the level deemed needed by civil and military without increasing the risk of becoming a militaristic society – more specifically a Lasswellian garrison state. Aware of the problem connected to an ever-growing military, the civil society went to great lengths to militarize itself to enable interaction with the military with the aim to protect civil institutions from being dominated or taken over by the military in case of heightened preparedness or war. Instrumental was the civil commander-institution, which worked as a bulkhead between the civil and military sphere in a time where these became increasingly entangled and inseparable, and which ensured civilian control over civilian administration. Through the civil-commander, the civil sphere obtained a military-style efficiency and the ability to make quick decisions separately from, or together on equal terms with, their camouflaged counterparts. The civil commander can both be understood as an indication of total militarization of civil society and protection against military influence, militarism, and a militaristic society.

This thesis engages with the relationship between national identity, security-based narratives, and foreign policy. It focuses on the 1982 Lebanon War as the most controversial in Israel's history because it violated the Israeli societal norm of only fighting wars of self-defence (when there is no alternative to war). Through an examination of Israeli films about the 1982 war – Ricochets, Time for Cherries, Cup Final, Waltz with Bashir and Lebanon – this thesis studies the identity crisis experienced by Israelis after the invasion of Lebanon and the coping mechanisms that helped Israeli society reconcile the war with the security-based narratives that inform collective identity in Israel. / Cette thèse a pour objet la relation entre l’identité nationale, les récits sécuritaires et la politique étrangère. Elle se base sur la Guerre du Liban de 1982 en tant que guerre la plus controversée des guerres israéliennes en raison de sa contradiction avec la norme israélienne de seulement mener des guerres de légitime défense (à savoir lorsqu'il n'y a aucun autre recours que la guerre). À travers un examen des films israéliens qui traitent de la guerre de 1982 – Ricochets, Time for Cherries, Cup Final, Waltz with Bashir et Lebanon – cette thèse discute de la crise identitaire vécue par les Israéliens à la suite de l'invasion du Liban et s’intéresse aux stratégies d'adaptation qui ont aidé la société israélienne à réconcilier la guerre avec les récits sécuritaires qui font partie de la construction de l'identité collective israélienne.

Master of Arts / Department of Communications Studies / Timothy R. Steffensmeier / The military operates through a system of gender and sexuality hierarchies that privilege masculinity and heterosexuality as the ideal category of service member. This symbolic national institution is also conceptually tied to notions of citizenship. For marginalized groups, gaining the ability to freely enlist in the military represents a benchmark toward achieving full and equal status as political subjects. Such has been the case for the mainstream lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender rights movement. For much of the past century, military discourses have aided in rhetorically constructing homosexual identities as pathological, deviant, and unfit to serve in the armed forces. A recent shift in this rhetoric from Department of Defense (DoD) officials, which contributed to a repeal of the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy, calls into question how changing discourses about gay and lesbian service members rhetorically construct queer citizenship. To answer this question, theories of gender and sexuality performance, corporeal rhetoric, and critical security discourse inform an analysis of the Report of the Comprehensive Review of the Issues Associated with a Repeal of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell”, a DoD document assessing potential risks to the military upon repeal. The analysis reveals that despite assertions made in the document that open service by gay men and lesbians poses minimal threat, this claim is ultimately grounded in the presumption that institutional hegemony adequately constrains performative possibilities for LGB identity articulation.