Thèse diffusée initialement dans le cadre d'un projet pilote des Presses de l'Université de Montréal/Centre d'édition numérique UdeM (1997-2008) avec l'autorisation de l'auteur.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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The central goal of this dissertation has been mapping, discussing and making sense of the political activities undertaken by Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations based in Brussels. I therefore identified these organisations in the national register of moral personalities. I furthermore administered a standardised questionnaire among a representative sample of the registered organisations. I focused in this questionnaire on both what I call institutional and non-institutional political activities. In making sense of the political activities by ethnic minority organisations I started this dissertation with a focus on the hypothesis developed by the Dutch scholars Fennema and Tillie on the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community. They argue a positive association between a high level of collaboration within a particular ethnic minority associative field on the one hand and a high level of political participation that is observed among the associative elite on the other. They argue an aggregate effect following a high degree of ethnic civic community. It would not only affect the political activity undertaken by the organisations that are involved in the collaborations but also the political activity of those not involved and thereby it is thought to influence the level of participation of the entire ethnic minority associative field. To operationalise this hypothesis Fennema and Tillie designed an index for the measurement of the degree of ethnic civic community. They measure the level of collaboration among the ethnic minority organisations by mapping the interlocking directorates that occur in the ethnic minority associative field. They identify in other words the directors that are seating in the administrative board of more than one organisation. The index is composed by 4 different measures that are summed in one aggregate score. To discuss the aggregate effect they confront the ranking the ethnic minority group holds on both the index and on the level of political participation. For the Amsterdam case they find a strong parallel between both. They find the Turkish group to stand out compared to the Moroccan and Surinamese both in regard to the degree of ethnic civic community and concerning the level of political participation. During the process that has been this dissertation I gradually changed the initial hypothesis. I argue on the one hand that Fennema and Tillie put a too strong emphasis on the presence of interlocking directorates to operationalize the idea of ethnic civic community. I argue the importance to consider equally the collaborations that occur in the daily practice of the organisations. I furthermore argue the pertinence to discuss the collaborations that ethnic minority organisations establish with the Brussels mainstream autochthonous associative field. I argue on the other hand that they put too little emphasis on contextual elements. I argue the importance to consider characteristics of the political setting in which the organisations are operating and to the social inequality and power imbalances that characterises the relation between ethnic minority and majority groups. I equally argue the importance of considering the presence of other than social resources that characterises the ethnic minority associative field and to pay attention to the anchoring of the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group in the Belgian society. I basically argue that these contextual elements can interact with the ethnic civic community hypothesis. Based on these arguments I created a more complex research design in which I discuss both the importance of bonding and bridging social capital and in which I essentially argue the multidimensional relation between the two multi-facetted concepts of social capital and political participation. I argue that bonding and bridging collaborations can have a differential influence on the outcome of political participation according to the political activity that is considered. I argue that the direction of the relation is shaped by elements of the Brussels setting. I argue that the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community for the Brussels case could well be limited to the non-institutional dimension of political participation. I find for the Brussels case the Belgian Moroccan group to obtain the highest score on the index of ethnic civic community. The network of interlocking directorates is characterised by the presence of large clusters of interconnected organisations and a high level of connectivity. The Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group share a second position in this regard. However I do not find the Belgian Moroccan associative field to be more politically active as compared to both other groups, neither concerning institutional political activities, nor regarding non-institutional activities. I observe in fact very few differences in the level of political participation across the three ethnic minority groups I study in Brussels. I do not find any statistical significant difference regarding electoral participation, involvement in consultation and the participation to claim making activities. I find only one significant difference between the groups and this concerns the presence of direct of particularized contacting of public or political authorities. However I do not find the Belgian Moroccan group to stand out in this regard. I find on the other hand the Belgian Turkish associative field to hold a first position. I do in other words not find a parallel between the ranking the three groups hold on the index of ethnic civic community and the ranking the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group show as for the level of political activities undertaken by the associative elite. I read in this result a strong empirical evidence to reject the Fennema and Tillie hypothesis. However I argue that comparing the rank order that the groups hold on both independent and dependent variable essentially equals confronting uni-variate analyses and therefore is not fit to study an association between both type of variables. A third variable could for instance act as a suppressor or mediator variable making it as such impossible to make sense of the presence or absence of a parallel. I therefore argue the importance of studying the individual effect prior to discussing the aggregate effect. I additionally discuss the individual association between being embedded in the network of interlocking directorates on the one hand and the outcome on the different indicators of political participation. I thereby pay attention to the particular position an organisation holds within the network but also to the possible interactions that can occur with other than social resources of an organisation. For the Brussels case I only find one main individual effect. I find being part of one of the larger components to reliably predict the outcome concerning the direct or particularized contacting of representatives of political institutions. I find this to be true for all three groups, but in particular for the Belgian Moroccan group. However the particular strong association I observe for the Belgian Moroccan organisations does not coincide with a highest group level of particularized contacting. On the contrary, I find the Belgian Turkish group to show a significant higher level of this type of political activity, followed by the Belgian Congolese. Based on these observations, I reject for the Brussels case the hypothesis on the aggregated effect following the size and structure of the network of interlocking directorates. I either do not find an individual effect or in case I find an individual effect it does not add to the understanding of the differences in the level of political participation I find across the three groups. If it is not the size and the structure of the network of interlocking directorates that allows to make sense of the level of political activity observed among an ethnic minority associative elite for the Brussels case, what is then? To answer this question I explore the individual effect of other types of collaborations and of other than social resources an organisation has to its disposition. Across these analyses, I find two independent variables to be of particular importance to understand the political participation by ethnic minority organisations. I find the information on receiving public funding and on being involved in collaborations with Brussels pro-migrant associative life to predict most reliably the outcomes on the different dependent variables on political participation except as for the variable on electoral participation. In uni-variate analyses I find moreover that these two resources attain relatively similar levels for the three ethnic minority groups. I understand the similarities I find across the three groups concerning the level of participation to consultation and to claim making activities strongly by referring to the predominant influence of these two resources. I note that the presence of these resources is strongly determined by the decisions that are made at the institutional level. I argue that the similar opportunities the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations meet within the Brussels institutional and political setting are strongly important in shaping the access to consultation and claim making. However I equally find that resources that are located within the ethnic minority associative field as for example the presence of an advocacy mission still adds to the understanding of these types of political participation, even after controlling for the information on public funding and contacts with the pro-migrant associative field. I argue notwithstandingthat top down processes in Brussems outnumber bottom-up processes to understand the participation of the ethnic minority organisations to consultative mechanisms and to claim making. The same can be argued concerning the involvement of the organisations in the electoral process. I find similar levels of electoral participation across the three ethnic minority associative fields. However I do not find an influence of public funding or of an embeddedness in Brussels mainstream autochthonous associative field in this regard. I do not find any of the selected independent variables to reliably predict the outcome on the dependent variable. In my entire database I find only one characteristic of the organisations to allow a reliable prediction concerning the outcome on electoral participation namely that on the presence of personal relations with Brussels political parties. I argue therefore that the link between ethnic minority associative life and the electoral process is structured not so much by a systematic knowledge of which are the larger, more established or more influential organisations but by processes of personal acquaintanceship. I interpret this result by referring to the presence of assimilationist perspective on integration that is predominant in Brussels. I argue that this predominant discourse creates obstacles for that leaders of strongly resourceful ethnic minority organisations are seen as more legitimate actors to access institutional political arena. To sum up, I understand the similarities that I find across the three group concerning the level of political participation by referring to both the similar opportunities and obstacles they meet in the Brussels context. A last question that then remains concerns the difference I observe between the group concerning the level of direct contacting of representatives of the institutional political arena. I understand the first position the Belgian Turkish group holds in this regard by referring to the Turkish migration history and the particular anchoring of the group in Belgian society. I refer in particular to the more collective integration strategy that characterises this group, as compared to both other groups. I understand the second position that is hold by the Belgian Congolese group by referring to the significant higher level of two resources that occur within the Belgian Congolese associative field. I find the significant higher level of advocacy organisations and of an organising along community interests to add strongly to the understanding of the higher level of direct contacting as compared to the Belgian Moroccan group. To end with I point to the fact that the differences I observe on direct contacting are all the more remarkable since the number of elected politicians of Moroccan origin in Belgium is strongly higher as compared to the number of elected politicians of Turkish and Congolese origin. I argue that the favourable position the Belgian Moroccan group holds at the individual level concerning the access to the institutional political arena is not repeated at the collective level. On the contrary I observe an inverse relation. I therefore argue that this difference in direct contacting between the Belgian Moroccan organisations on the one hand and the Belgian Turkish and Congolese on the other should at least partly be understood in terms of a compensatory mechanism for the lack of opportunities these communities hold at the individual level. This compensatory mechanism is supported and made possible by resources that are located within the ethnic minority associative fields. I find these resources however not to be social resources, but to concern the presence of a strong collective group identity and of an intrinsic political motivation. I started this dissertation with the hypothesis on the importance of internal collaboration to understand the differences and similarities in the level of political participation undertaken by the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese associative field. However instead of bonding social capital I find the presence of public funding of bridging social capital and of characteristics of the Brussels context and of the ethnic minority groups to be of more importance for understanding both institutional and non-institutional political activities. However this does not mean that the level of internal collaboration is of no importance at all to make sense of the political activity undertaken by ethnic minority organisations in Brussels. Even after controlling for the presence of other resources, I find that the presence of internal collaborations adds to the contentious capacity of ethnic minority organisations. I find the presence of informal collaborations to add to the understanding of the presence of proclaiming activities. I find an embeddedness in the network of interlocking directorates to reliably predict the outcome on direct contacting. If it were not for the organisations involved in the network of interlocking directorates, the level of particularised contacting would be much lower in Brussels, in particular for the Belgian Moroccan group. Although the first position the Belgian Moroccan group holds on the index of ethnic civic community did not show to be a good predictor for finding a higher level of political participation among the Belgian Moroccan associative elite, it still is meaningful in the more restricted sense that the Belgian Moroccan network more strongly as compared to both other networks adds to the understanding of the level of direct contacting. To end with I find the hypothesis on the multidimensional relation between two multifaceted concepts of social capital and political participation to be confirmed for the Brussels case. Bonding and Bridging social capital relate differently to the outcomes on political participation according to the type of political activity. I moreover find the hypothesis on the importance of taking into account contextual elements to make sense of the direction of these relations to be equally confirmed. The interpretation of the empirical results I collected has not been possible without referring to characteristics of the Brussels context, of the three ethnic minority groups and of the particular anchoring of these groups in Belgian society. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Une étude de 1991 du CIEMI vise à expliquer la question portant sur la représentation à la télévision la diversité multiculturelle en France. Qui désigne-t-elle ? La population dont l’origine ethnique est visible physiquement et par extension, les minorités vivant sur le sol français. La question de leur sous-représentation à la télévision, suscite autant de polémiques que de réactions véhémentes dans la sphère politique et publique. Les mots visible/visibilité font surface et interpellent en égale mesure les responsables politiques, médiatiques, sociologiques et associatifs. Or, c’est en cela que notre problématique nous a paru intéressante à aborder, car elle porte un regard édifiant sur le rôle et l’importance des médias dans leur représentation pour la période comprise entre 1975 à 2015. Approfondir les conditions de cette pâle représentation à l’écran, les questionnements soulevés, les actions et les solutions proposées par les divers acteurs, les effets sur l’opinion publique, ce sont autant de thématiques fondamentales qui se sont imposées à nous comme une évidence. Loin d’être exhaustive, notre recherche vise donc à relever les aboutissants de cette problématique devenue une priorité figurant à l’ordre du jour de l’agenda des politiques. / A study of 1991 of the CIEMI aims at explaining the question concerning the representation on the television the multicultural diversity in France. Who does it indicate ? The population the ethnic origin of which is visible physically and by extension, minorities living on the French ground. The question of their sub-representation on the television, arouses so many debates as violent reactions in the political and public sphere. The words visible/visibilité make surface and call out in equal measure the political, media, sociological and associative persons in charge. Yet, this is why our problem seemed to us interesting to approach, because it carries a look building on the role and the importance of the media in their representation for period between 1975 in 2015. Deepen the conditions of this weak representation in the screen, the raised questionings, the shares and the solutions proposed by the diverse actors, the effects on the public opinion, it is so many fundamental themes which were imperative upon us as an obvious fact. Far from being exhaustive, our research thus aims at raising the outcomes of this problem become a priority appearing in the agenda of the diary of the politics.

Cette thèse porte les dynamiques historiques et géopolitiques contemporaines des Coptes dans le cadre national de l’Égypte et la façon dont elles sont analysées par les auteurs européens (anglais et français) et américains. L’objectif est de souligner la différence entre la réalité égyptienne complexe et la représentation simpliste de conflits confessionnels entre chrétiens et musulmans. L’approche confessionnelle se retrouve dans la terminologie utilisée en anglais et en français (« minorité », « communauté », « diaspora ») alors que ces termes ne correspondent pas à ceux utilisés en arabe. Les concepts utilisés par les travaux français et anglais ainsi que par les émigrés mobilisés politiquement sont utilisés pour justifier une politique de protection des minorités religieuses au Moyen-Orient, par la politique colonialiste et impérialiste de l’Europe et des USA aujourd’hui et qui permet d’intervenir dans les affaires internes de l’Égypte. Les cas de violence contre les Coptes seront alors un outil pour délégitimer le gouvernement égyptien alors que celui-ci ne respecte pas les accords : comme cela s’est passé pour le gouvernement de transition en 2011 puis celui du président Morsi en 2012. Les Coptes militants émigrés, avec leur message extrémiste, constituent un point de connexion entre cette volonté politique interventionniste et les milieux académiques en augmentant par leur dénonciation une situation qui serait responsable de l’intérêt croissant pour les Coptes parmi les chercheurs et les journalistes / This research deals with the historic and geopolitical dynamics of Copts inside the national Egyptian contest and the way they are analyzed by European (British - French) and American authors.The aim is to underline the discrepancy between the complex Egyptian reality and the simplistic representation of confessional conflict Christian vs Muslims. This is what comes to light from the media and bibliography on Coptic issue analyzed. The terminology used for Copts (minority, community, diaspora) denotes this tendency: it has not a direct correspondence in Arabic language because Egyptians refuse these labels. Moreover it does not take in consideration geopolitical factors that move Egyptian actors for the control of territory and rivalries among Copts for this control. The concept of Coptic (discriminated) minority among Muslims majority, is functional to justify the minorities’ protection in Middle East by colonialist and imperialist politics of Europe and USA. Violence cases against Copts are an instrument to delegitimize Egyptian government if it does not respect accords: this is what happened with transition government in 2011 and Morsi’s government in 2012. Coptic emigrated militants, with their extremist message, constitute a connection point between this interventionist politic and academic investigation, and they are responsible of the increasing interest for Copts among scholars and journalists.

Les médias produits par et/ou pour les minorités ethniques et immigrantes (au sens traditionnel du terme) ont longtemps été l’outil de communication des privilégiés de ces groupes. Avec la démocratisation de l’accès aux nouvelles technologies dont Internet et le Web, et surtout avec l’expansion des médias socio-numériques, ces minorités ont pu devenir consommatrices mais aussi productrices de contenus numériques. Ces dispositifs leur permettent également de garder le contact avec leurs proches et les membres de leur communauté dans le pays d’accueil. Ces médias revêtent donc aujourd’hui une double fonction : garder le lien avec leur communauté et diffuser des informations présentant un intérêt pour elle. Par ailleurs, la dimension sociale de ces outils numériques leur confère une troisième fonction : celle d’établir des liens avec la société de leur pays d’accueil. Grâce à cette sociabilité en ligne, une relation se construit, et elle contribué à l’intégration de ces communautés au sein de leur nouvel environnement social, linguistique et culturel. Pour étudier ce potentiel processus d’intégration, nous avons travaillé depuis 2011 avec les membres adolescents d’une communauté cap-verdienne résidente dans la ville de Nice, afin d’analyser leur réseau social en ligne et hors ligne et leurs pratiques du réseau socio-numérique Facebook. Par l’usage de l’ethnographie des réseaux sociaux et de la netnographie, nous avons étudié leurs pratiques pendant sept ans et essayé de comprendre dans quelle mesure ces dispositifs pourraient contribuer à l’intégration des minorités ethniques et immigrantes en France. / Since long back, traditional media produced by and for immigrant and ethnic minorities, have been the preferred communication tools of these communities. Through the democratization of the access to new technologies such as Internet and ‘the Web’, and in particular through the expansion of social networks, these minorities have become consumers and producers of user generated content. Such tools also allow them to stay in contact with their relatives and the members of their community in the adopted country. Thus, this media has a double function: it facilitates keeping in touch with the user’s community, and it provides a means for sharing information relevant for the latter. Moreover, the social dimension of these digital tools gives them a third functionality: it establishes connections with the society of the foster country. Thanks to this online sociability, a relation is formed and this contributes to the integration of the communities within their new social, linguistic and cultural environment. In order to study this potential integration process, I have since 2011 worked with teenage members of a Cape Verdean community living in Nice, France. The objective has been to analyze their social networking online and offline, and their use of Facebook. From a methodological standpoint, this study has been conducted by the use of social network ethnography and of Netnography. The work is the results of seven years of observations of practices in the online and offline worlds, with the objective to provide an understanding of how social media can contribute to the integration of ethnic and immigrant minorities in France.