<p>In spite of Sweden´s lack of formal regions, the country is evolving towards regional administrations. The regional level are to a growing extent viewed as important bases for economic growth and development. The concept of the triple helix implies that interaction between the public sector, the industry and universities is a source to economic and social development. Research has though implied that the interaction between the triple helix actors could be problematic from a multi-level governance perspective. It has been shown that since the institutional setting is horizontal and vertical fragmented, cooperation between different institutions and actors becomes difficult. In year 2005-2006 the Värmland region was one of fourteen regions in twelve countries that was included in a OECD project, that was a response to the multiplicity of initiatives across the OECD countries concerning regional development. In the report that evolved from the project actors in Värmland was recommended to improve the cooperation concerning regional development in the county. This thesis investigates the cooperation between the triple helix actors for regional growth and development in the Värmland region 1998-2008. My research questions are: Is there evidence of a lack of cooperation between the university, the public sector and the industrial actors in Värmland? And if this is the case, could these problems be related to the fragmentation of the institutional setting? The thesis is a qualitative case study, conducted through elite-interviews and document analysis. My findings implies that the cooperation between the triple helix actors in Värmland has developed dramatically the last decade. From a strive for coordination that was pervaded by institutional fragmentation to an increased closeness and mutual involvement that has come to over-bridge the institutional fragmentation on the regional level. Although, it seems like the vertical fragmentation between the regional and national level, which could impede growth and development in the region, to a great degree remains.</p>

<p>The aim of this thesis is to describe and understand the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise projects in primary and secondary schools in the North of Sweden and to identify and analyse the driving forces and actors behind this process. In particular the influence and significance of education policy at supranational, national and subnational level for the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise in education are analysed. The main questions of the study have been:</p><p>• How and why have entrepreneurship and enterprise education come to the schools in the northern region of Sweden, in particular within the framework of the PRIO1 project?</p><p>• How were important stakeholders involved at the subnational level and how did they reason and act in relation to the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise in the schools?</p><p>• How are the concepts of entrepreneurship and enterprise education presented in policy documents at different policy levels?</p><p>The study wants to report on changes in education policy during recent years. Especially the emergence of international policy convergence and new forms of governance are among the factors that are considered. Drawing on a conceptual framework of structure and agency, the analyses in the empirical studies are informed by a combination of theoretical fields. Important contributions are rendered from the education policy literature. The first method consists of a policy study of documents produced by organisations at different levels (supranational, national and subnational). The purpose of this analysis is to capture the ideas and arguments that have been used but also to understand the context and driving forces for the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise in education. Starting from the supranational level, the analysis focuses mainly on two organisations, OECD and EU. These organisations were chosen because they are widely regarded as leading organisations in setting the supranational policy agenda for education. The document study consists of a selection of OECD documents that have been released during the period 1970 - 2006, as well as a selection of EU documents. The EU documents cover the last 15 years. Attention is paid to several documents at the national and subnational level as well. The second method is an interview study. The interview study aims to focus on some of the key stakeholders (agents/actors) that have been participating in the formation (initiation, financing and realisation) of a county wide project “PRIO1”, Priority Enterprise in Västerbotten, in the North of Sweden. In order to understand why and how these actors at the subnational level have become involved in the process, there exists a need to hear their arguments. The document study shows that there is interplay between the different levels, but intertextual aspects have also become visible. The policy drive and policy scope show the concatenation but also the complexity of the policy development. Education is increasingly related to economic policies, in particular through labour market policies. Although the concepts of Entrepreneurship and Enterprise have developed within the economic sector, they are penetrating the education and training systems of many countries. From the results presented in this study, it seems that lifelong learning has become the guiding principle for the amalgamation of education and the world of work, while learning is no longer equated with just schooling. The opening of the school towards the surrounding world is a characteristic development in all this, but it is also a process that certainly is stipulated by agencies and actors at different levels, as is shown in this study. The interviews with some stakeholders at the subnational level show that the promotion of entrepreneurship and enterprise in education is related to arguments for economic and societal development. The interviews also reveal some of the “bottom-up” aspects of the policy process. One of the important results of this study is that the education policy studies have to include the level beyond the national borders. The interplay between the different policy-levels (supranational, national and subnational) needs more attention in order to understand the transformation of the education system.</p>

Bendroji temos charakteristika ir darbo aktualumas. Šio darbo temą padiktavo ES institucijų vis labiau pabrėžiama ir žingsnis po žingsnio įgyvendinama nuostata didinti pilietinės visuomenės vaidmenį ES valdyme ir su tuo susijęs klausimas, koks vaidmuo ES valdyme tenka VRE valstybių pilietinei visuomenei. Darbas atliktas studijuojant doktorantūroje Mykolo Romerio universitete ir dalyvaujant dviejuose tarptautiniuose doktorantų tinkluose, priklausančiuose Europos valdymo problemoms skirtai CONNEX programai (angl. The Network of Excellence CONNEX („Connecting Excellence on European Governance“)), kuri savo ruožtu priklauso ES 6-ajai Bendrajai tyrimų programai: "Pilietinės visuomenės įtraukimas į Europos valdymą" Vokietijoje, Manhaimo Europos Socialinių Tyrimų Centre (Universität Mannheim, Mannheimer Zentrum für Europäische Sozialforschung MZES), vadovė prof. Beate Kohler-Koch, ir „Viešosios politikos europeizacija Rytų Europos valstybėse“ Prancūzijoje, Paryžiaus Europos mokslo studijų centre (Centre d’études européennes de Sciences-Po), vadovas dr. François Bafoil. Darbas buvo rašomas taip pat stažuočių Lundo universitete Švedijoje ir Vroclavo universitete Lenkijoje metu. Darbo tiriamoji problema formuluojama įvertinus ES valdymo principą, pagal kurį svarbus vaidmuo ES sprendimų priėmime suteikiamas pilietinei visuomenei, ir siekiant ištirti, kiek šis principas palankus Vidurio ir Rytų Europos valstybėms. Darbas grindžiamas metodologine nuostata, pagal kurią šiuolaikinės... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Following the enlargement in 2004 and 2007, the European Union (EU) has been made of Western states of old democracy, as well as of post-communist countries of the Central and East Europe (CCEE), the latter counting less than two decades of democratic development. These two parts of Europe differ significantly with regard to the historical and political experience, cultural traditions, the level of economic and social development. The EU, however, functions as an integrated political and economic community. The key sign of the EU integration is the decision-making at the EU level. Decisions are taken after consultation with the member states, as well as with civil society. The topic of the research has been inspired by the EU governance reform which designates a greater role to consultations with civil society in the decision-making at the EU level. The Turin European Council in 1996 provided the Intergovernmental Conference negotiating the Treaty of Amsterdam with the mandate “to bring the EU closer to its citizens”. The guidelines of the European governance reform were presented in the European Commission’s White Paper “European Governance” in 2001 . The White Paper provided for a significant role of civil society. The research has been conducted during PhD studies at Mykolas Romeris University (Vilnius, Lithuania) and while participating in two PhD networks of the Network of Excellence CONNEX (“Connecting Excellence on European Governance”), a project funded by the EU... [to full text]

The aim of this thesis is to describe and understand the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise projects in primary and secondary schools in the North of Sweden and to identify and analyse the driving forces and actors behind this process. In particular the influence and significance of education policy at supranational, national and subnational level for the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise in education are analysed. The main questions of the study have been: • How and why have entrepreneurship and enterprise education come to the schools in the northern region of Sweden, in particular within the framework of the PRIO1 project? • How were important stakeholders involved at the subnational level and how did they reason and act in relation to the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise in the schools? • How are the concepts of entrepreneurship and enterprise education presented in policy documents at different policy levels? The study wants to report on changes in education policy during recent years. Especially the emergence of international policy convergence and new forms of governance are among the factors that are considered. Drawing on a conceptual framework of structure and agency, the analyses in the empirical studies are informed by a combination of theoretical fields. Important contributions are rendered from the education policy literature. The first method consists of a policy study of documents produced by organisations at different levels (supranational, national and subnational). The purpose of this analysis is to capture the ideas and arguments that have been used but also to understand the context and driving forces for the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise in education. Starting from the supranational level, the analysis focuses mainly on two organisations, OECD and EU. These organisations were chosen because they are widely regarded as leading organisations in setting the supranational policy agenda for education. The document study consists of a selection of OECD documents that have been released during the period 1970 - 2006, as well as a selection of EU documents. The EU documents cover the last 15 years. Attention is paid to several documents at the national and subnational level as well. The second method is an interview study. The interview study aims to focus on some of the key stakeholders (agents/actors) that have been participating in the formation (initiation, financing and realisation) of a county wide project “PRIO1”, Priority Enterprise in Västerbotten, in the North of Sweden. In order to understand why and how these actors at the subnational level have become involved in the process, there exists a need to hear their arguments. The document study shows that there is interplay between the different levels, but intertextual aspects have also become visible. The policy drive and policy scope show the concatenation but also the complexity of the policy development. Education is increasingly related to economic policies, in particular through labour market policies. Although the concepts of Entrepreneurship and Enterprise have developed within the economic sector, they are penetrating the education and training systems of many countries. From the results presented in this study, it seems that lifelong learning has become the guiding principle for the amalgamation of education and the world of work, while learning is no longer equated with just schooling. The opening of the school towards the surrounding world is a characteristic development in all this, but it is also a process that certainly is stipulated by agencies and actors at different levels, as is shown in this study. The interviews with some stakeholders at the subnational level show that the promotion of entrepreneurship and enterprise in education is related to arguments for economic and societal development. The interviews also reveal some of the “bottom-up” aspects of the policy process. One of the important results of this study is that the education policy studies have to include the level beyond the national borders. The interplay between the different policy-levels (supranational, national and subnational) needs more attention in order to understand the transformation of the education system.

Why is it that the international scientific consensus on climate change has not been followed by a proportionate policy response in Canada? Perhaps the relationships between the country’s science organizations and government agencies are not functioning properly. My research adopts an interdisciplinary approach (i.e. science studies and political science) to this issue, highlighting the relevant literature’s underlying consensus on co-production, a norm of deliberative two-way engagement between scientists and policy-makers. I hypothesize that relationships embodying elements of co-productive design (e.g. informal communication, appointed liaisons) are more likely to facilitate climate action. To test this, I examine three cases of climate science-policy partnership in Canada by interviewing participants from both sides. The partnership between the Pacific Climate Impacts Consortium and BC municipalities exhibits substantial influence on policy, tied to a considerable degree of co-productive design. The partnership between the Pacific Institute for Climate Solutions and the Climate Action Secretariat of the BC provincial government also displays notable design characteristics, but primarily facilitates side benefits and soft influences rather than concrete policy changes. The attempted partnership between the Canadian Foundation for Climate and Atmospheric Sciences and the federal government exhibits few elements of co-productive design and has been effectively terminated, demonstrating the prerequisite importance of political interest. The relevant literature is not sufficiently nuanced to fully predict or explain these situations, so I put forward a new theoretical model. My science-policy relationship hierarchy (SPRHi) suggests that each such case can be classified as incidental interaction, basic partnership, interactive dialogue, or true co-production. It specifies the conditions which must be met for any given relationship to improve, maximizing potential benefits and influences. Concrete policy changes seem to result only from true co-production, though, which generally requires exceptional external requirements and thus cannot be deliberately facilitated. As such, co-productive design ultimately does not offer a clear way to address Canada’s climate inaction. I suggest that further research be conducted on international coordination mechanisms, public attitudes, and (especially) political leadership. However, the soft influences of science-policy partnerships may affect these broader factors in unpredictable ways, so the importance of co-productive design should not be underestimated. / Graduate

Submitted by Cristiane Shirayama (cristiane.shirayama@fgv.br) on 2011-05-26T18:25:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 62090100007.pdf: 2857253 bytes, checksum: 101b9abdceb9a13cd05ecc32d128d6f3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia(suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2011-05-26T18:44:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 62090100007.pdf: 2857253 bytes, checksum: 101b9abdceb9a13cd05ecc32d128d6f3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia(suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2011-05-26T18:45:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 62090100007.pdf: 2857253 bytes, checksum: 101b9abdceb9a13cd05ecc32d128d6f3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-05-26T18:49:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 62090100007.pdf: 2857253 bytes, checksum: 101b9abdceb9a13cd05ecc32d128d6f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-15 / The first Brazilian metropolitan regions were instituted in a top-down approach as part of a national development strategy during the military regime. Perceived as an undemocratic institution and rejected as a fou rth tier of government, these regions have, since the 1988 Constitution, been gradually emptied of their original purposes. In their orphanhood, socioeconomic problems have proliferated and deepened, and competitive rather than cooperative intergovernmental relations have predominated. One of the main challenges faced by the Brazilian federal model, in particular when referring to metropolitan regions, concerns the need for greater cooperation and coordination, necessary in order to ensure a more balanced relationship within the federation, as well as the effective implementation of policies to address inequality and social exclusion in these urban agglomerations. This article analyzes the Grande Recife Metropolitan Transport Consortium, established in 2008 between the governments of the Recife metropolitan region, in order to plan, manage and implement the public transport system in the region. The Grande Recife became a reality with the promulgation of a new instrument for federal cooperation, the Public Consortia Law in 2005. It is a pioneer and innovative experience that demonstrates it is possible to overcome conflicts and common challenges while simultaneously preserving autonomy and the rights of the citizens. The Grande Recife consortium is an experience in intergovernmental cooperation and an example of multi-level governance (MLG), illustrating a new democratic institutional arrangement between different governmental spheres for the shared management of a public service. / As primeiras regiões metropolitanas brasileiras foram instituídas de maneira vertical e autoritária como parte da estratégia de desenvolvimento nacional promovida pelo governo militar. Percebidas como instituições não-democráticas e rejeitadas como possível quarto ente federativo, as regiões metropolitanas, desde a Constituição de 1988, foram gradualmente esvaziadas dos seus propósitos originais. Em sua orfandade, os problemas socioeconômicos proliferaram e foram acentuados, e passaram a predominar relações intergovernamentais competitivas em vez de cooperativas. Um dos principais desafios enfrentados pelo modelo federalista brasileiro, em especial quando se trata destas regiões, está relacionado à necessidade de estabelecer maior cooperação e coordenação, tidas como imprescindíveis para garantir um relacionamento mais equilibrado entre os entes federativos, assim como para a efetiva implementação de políticas de enfrentamento das desigualdades e exclusão social nas aglomerações urbanas. Este trabalho analisa o Grande Recife Consórcio Metropolitano de Transportes (CMT), empresa pública multifederativa estabelecida em 2008 entre os governos municipais e estadual da Região Metropolitana de Recife (RMR). Responsável pelo planejamento, gestão e implementação compartilhada da política de transporte público coletivo na RMR, o Grande Recife se tornou realidade com a aprovação e regulamentação da Lei Federal nº 11.107 de 2005, conhecida como a Lei de Consórcios Públicos. O Grande Recife é uma experiência pioneira e inovadora, demonstrando que é possível encontrar uma maneira de superar conflitos e desafios comuns e, ao mesmo tempo, garantir a preservação da autonomia de cada ente, bem como os direitos cidadãos. Neste trabalho consideramos essa experiência de cooperação intergovernamental como um exemplo de multi-level governance (MLG), uma vez que é ilustrativa de um novo arranjo institucional democrático entre distintas esferas governamentais para a gestão compartilhada de um serviço público.

Au moment où le dialogue social européen fête les vingt ans de sa reconnaissance institutionnelle par le Traité de Maastricht, il est pertinent d’analyser le rôle des partenaires sociaux européens dans la régulation de l’emploi, alors que cette dernière connait d’importantes transformations au sein de l’UE. Partant du constat que le marché du travail européen acquiert une consistance propre qui le distingue d’une addition d’espaces nationaux, nous montrons que cette construction ne dérive pas mécaniquement de l’intégration économique du marché des produits mais résulte en partie de l’intervention des partenaires sociaux européens dans la régulation communautaire de l’emploi et des interactions qu’ils nouent avec les autres parties prenantes dont, au premier plan, la Commission européenne. L’expérimentation de nouvelles formes de régulation permet de conforter la légitimité des partenaires sociaux européens en élargissant leur champ d’intervention et en les maintenant dans le circuit de la régulation communautaire alors que d’autres acteurs (société civile organisée, groupes d’experts) auraient pu les en écarter. Cependant, le changement de paradigme de l’emploi, au nom de la « modernisation du marché du travail », les conduit à délibérer sur des objets plus généraux (« plus d’emploi et de meilleure qualité », « marchés du travail inclusifs »), au détriment d’une opérationnalité qui leur fait d’autant plus défaut que le manque d’approfondissement de la régulation de la relation d'emploi entrouvre la porte à des cas de dumping social. Dès lors, plus que les nouvelles formes de régulation, ce sont les déplacements de l’objet de la régulation qui mettent à l’épreuve la portée du dialogue social européen. / When the European social dialogue is celebrating the twentieth anniversary of its institutional recognition in the Maastricht Treaty, analysing the role of the European social partners in the employment regulation which now facing significant changes within the EU is of peculiar relevance. Our study establishes that the making of the European labour market differs from an addition of national scales. We demonstrate that this construction is not mechanically induced by the goods market integration but partly results from the European social partners’ involvement in the Community employment regulation and from their interactions with the other stakeholders, mainly the European commission. Experimenting new forms of regulation reinforces the European social partners’ legitimacy. It widens their scope of intervention and maintains them in the Community regulation process whereas other players (civil society, groups of experts) could have drawn them aside. In However, because of the evolution of the employment paradigm on behalf of the “modernization of the labour market”, the European social partners now deliberate on more general terms (“more and better jobs”, “inclusive labour markets”) at the expense of operability. This limited operability is all the more problematic as the lack of deepening in the regulation of the employment relationship opens the door to cases of social dumping. Therefore, the impact of European social dialogue is more tested by the evolutions of the subject of regulation than by the new forms of regulation.

Les organisations virtualisées sous multi-gouvernance sont des organisations co-gouvernées simultanément par plusieurs organisations indépendantes. Les distances organisationnelles et géographiques leur incitent à mettre en place des équipes virtuelles à grande échelle. Ces organisations des acteurs hétérogènes adoptent un mode de contrôle particulier riche d'enseignements pour la théorie du contrôle. En complément du contrôle interorganisationnel, leur système de contrôle est combiné d'un contrôle interactif informel. L'e-collaboration est le mode de travail essentiel. Les objets-frontières jouent un rôle important dans le contrôle interactif informel et dans l'e-collaboration des équipes au-delà des frontières organisationnelles, géographiques et temporelles. / Virtualised organizations with multi-governance are co-governed simultaneously by several independent organizations. Organizational and geographical distances encourage them to set up virtual teams on a large scale. These organizations adopt a particular control mode. In addition to the inter-organizational control, their control system is combined with an informal interactive control. The e-collaboration is their important way of work. The boundary objects play an important role in the and in the informal interactive control and in the e-collaboration, beyond organizational boundaries, geographical and temporal.

This study is based on previous research concluding that sub-national actors now function on a complex arena where the nation state is not the sole and self-evident channel to the European Union. Based on that assumption, the thesis is intended to create understanding of the nature of the relationship between the West Sweden regional office and its Värmland commissioners in the case of regional action. The relationship between the regional office and its members was examined in a case study of open consultation around the EU’s new EU 2020 strategy. The questions posed in the thesis are answered by interviews with representatives of West Sweden and certain Värmland members of that organization. The results of the interviews were then analyzed based on a fusion perspective, which addresses various indicators for regional action. The results of the study show that the West Sweden regional office can assume a clearer role in regional influencing, but also that Region Värmland plays an important role in influencing the EU. In order for Värmland as a region to continue to be able to influence the supranational level forthcoming, its municipalities need to raise their awareness of what the EU does.

The intention of this study is to perform a content analysis based on a theoretical framework founded on multi-level governance, MLG. The thesis examines the formal changes within employment politics between 1999 and 2004 (Sweden´s action plan for employment) and 1998 and 2007 (the spring budget proposition). I will investigate how multi-level governance has effected the Swedish employment politics. Furthermore, the purpose of the thesis and the questions under consideration are: How have the formal structures within Swedish employment politics changed since Sweden’s admission to the European union, particularly during the periods 1997-2008 and 1999-2004? And: How do the changes in Sweden, together with the European union directive concerning employment, coincide in the so-called employment strategy? While performing the analysis I have focused on multi-level governance. The method used is quantitative content analysis in order to explain the co-variation between Swedish employment politics and the employment politics of the European union - the employment strategy. The conclusions from the research are that there is a clear influence by the EU in Sweden, and between the two groups of documents is Sweden´s action plan for employment, which is more influenced than the spring budget propositions.