Myanmar, an isolated country in Southeast Asia, held general elections for the People¡¦s Assembly in 2010, the first in twenty years and the second in fifty years. The military junta that has ruled the country for decades has been facing strong criticism from the international community. This research has systematically examined the historical development of the electoral laws and the overall electoral system of the Union of Myanmar (since October 2010 officially known as the Republic of the Union of Myanmar) during the period of 18 June 1989 up until the latest elections on 7 November 2011. Why did the military bother organizing elections? The latest elections were meant to give the impression that they would create a legitimate government. In reality, they were designed to preserve military rule under a façade of democracy. The junta learned a valuable lesson from the last free elections in 1990, which ended in a fiasco for the pro-junta parties, and did not leave it to the people's will in 2010. In order to effectively extend military rule, in 2008 the junta used a flawed referendum to approve a supremacy constitution, according to which the military automatically receives 25% of the seats in parliament. This constitution helped the junta impose several severe limitations on parties willing to participate in the 2010 elections, thus ensuring that the military-backed political parties would win most of the seats at stake. This thesis attempts to show the powerlessness of the masses against a system based on the creation of self-serving laws used by the ruling junta to control the society.

This thesis examines the relationship between energy, development and human security in Sino-Myanmar relations. Rapid economic growth and increased urbanisation have intensified China’s industrial and domestic energy consumption, drastically increasing demand and overwhelming national supply capacities. Chinese foreign policy has responded by becoming more active in securing and protecting foreign energy resources and allowing Chinese companies more freedom and opportunities for investment abroad. Consequently, Chinese foreign investment and policies have become increasing sources of scrutiny and debate, typically focusing on their (presumed) intentions and the social, economic, environmental and political impacts they have on the rest of the world. Within this debate, a key issue has been China’s engagement with so-called pariah states. China has frequently received substantial international criticism for its unconditional engagement with such countries, often seen as a geopolitical pursuit of strategic national (energy) interests, unconcerned with international opprobrium. In the case of Myanmar, traditional security analyses interpret this as, at best, undermining (Western) international norms and, at worst, posing a direct challenge to international security. However, traditional security analyses rely on state-centric concepts of security, and tend to over-simply Sino-Myanmar relations and the dynamics which inform it. Conversely, implications for human security are overlooked; this is in part because human security remains poorly defined and also because there are questions regarding its utility. However, human security is a critical tool in delineating between state, corporate and ‘civilian’ interests, and how these cleavages shape the security environment and potential for instability in the region. iv This thesis takes a closer look at some of the entrenched and changing security dynamics shaping this Sino-Myanmar energy cooperation, drawing on an extensive literature in human security rarely applied in this context. This includes a brief review of human security and Sino-Myanmar relations, and is grounded in an empirical analysis of Chinese investment in Myanmar’s hydropower and oil and gas sectors. Ultimately, this thesis argues that, while insightful, many traditional interpretations of Sino-Myanmar energy cooperation overlook the security interests of those worst affected. Furthermore, that the worst excesses of Chinese companies in Myanmar are not unique to China, but common across all investors in the regime, Western or otherwise. / Graduate

In this thesis, I describe how women who are forced to migrate from Burma into Thailand manage their fertility, unwanted pregnancy and pregnancy loss. The study was initiated by Dr Cynthia Maung, a Burmese medical doctor, herself a stateless person who coordinates a refugee-led primary health service five kilometres inside Thailand. Unsafe abortion is a common problem and much time and resources are taken with the care of women suffering haemorrhage, infection and pain after self-induced abortion in both Thai and Burmese-led health facilities. The thesis examines the characteristics of Burmese women admitted to health facilities with post-abortion complications and their chosen methods of self-induced abortion. Local meanings of abortion and post-abortion care are explored. Lay midwives play a central role in fertility management and some are abortionists. Men’s role in the management of fertility is also presented. The women are generally married with children. Considered illegal migrants, they are employed and work in Thailand without work permits. Many women have a history of escaping human rights abuses and entrenched poverty in Burma. At least a third of women admitted into care with post-abortion complications had induced their abortion with oral herbal preparations, pummelling manipulations or stick abortions. Most of the abortion services were provided by Burmese lay midwives. Reasons for terminating the pregnancy include: poverty, gender-based violence and the local illness of ‘weakness’. In addition, low sexual health knowledge, and difficult access to reproductive health services play a part in mistimed pregnancy. / There is no commonly agreed definition of abortion between formal, informal health workers or women. Most people considered it against cultural lore and in some cases judicial law but still felt it was necessary. Women’s perceptions of the viability of their pregnancy and its outcome prevailed. Men played a limited role in fertility management. I argue that a lack of rights to work and earn a fair wage; to move without fear, a lack of sexual health information, and the ability to safely control fertility increases women’s risk of unsafe abortion. Furthermore, violence perpetrated at the individual and state level contributes to unsafe abortion. Burmese women’s mortality and morbidity associated with unsafe abortion is largely unrecorded by Thai processes and unknown to the Burmese military government. Unwanted and mistimed pregnancy can be avoided through reproductive technologies, education programmes, and access to modern contraceptives. To safely terminate unwanted pregnancies and to treat the complications of pregnancy loss is not only possible but a woman’s right as delineated in the international treaty CEDAW, to which Burma and Thailand are signatories. Yet Burmese women continue to suffer: become sterile, socially vilified, unemployed or repatriated against their will due to their reproductive status. Their sickness and deaths are secondary to the economic imperatives of Burma and Thailand and their human rights continue to be violated.....

Applied research project (D. Min.)--School of Theology and Missions, Oral Roberts University, 2007. / Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 155-160).

<b>Background:</b> Perinatal depression is a significant contributor to maternal morbidity and mortality worldwide. Left untreated, perinatal depression has severe and far-reaching consequences for women, their families and wider society. Migrant women, including labour migrants and refugees, may be particularly prone to developing perinatal depression as a result of multiple stressors associated with displacement. Despite the vast majority of global migration flows occurring within low- and middle-income countries, evidence from these regions is severely lacking. This research addresses this imbalance by examining perinatal depression in migrant women living on the Thai-Myanmar border: a resource-poor setting of political tension and socio-economic disadvantage. <b>Aims:</b> This research aims to review the existing evidence around perinatal depression among migrant women from low- and middle-income settings; identify an appropriate tool to detect perinatal depression in migrant women on the Thai-Myanmar border; determine the prevalence of, and risk factors for, perinatal depression in this setting; explore women's experiences of perinatal depression; and develop recommendations for policy and practice. <b>Methods:</b> A sequential-exploratory mixed-methods design was used. The research included the following five study components: a systematic literature review; a validation study to identify a culturally-acceptable and appropriate assessment tool; a prospective cohort study of migrant women on the Thai-Myanmar border followed-up from the first trimester of pregnancy to one month post-partum; in-depth interviews with a subgroup of women with severe perinatal depression; and an informal exploration of stakeholder views. <b>Findings:</b> The systematic review found a wide range in prevalence of perinatal depression among migrant women and confirmed the absence of studies conducted in low-and middle-income destination countries. A total of 568 migrant women on the Thai-Myanmar border participated in the prospective cohort study, of whom 18.5% experienced moderate-severe depression and 39.8% experienced depression of any severity during the perinatal period. Almost a third (29%) of women reported suicidal ideation. Interpersonal violence (OR 4.5), experience of trauma (OR 2.4), a self-reported history of depression (OR 2.3) and perceived insufficiency of social support (OR 2.1) were significantly associated with perinatal depression. Lives of women with severe perinatal depression were characterised by difficult partner relationships, alcohol use among partners and interpersonal violence. A lack of mental health services currently limits the effective management of perinatal depression in this setting. Alongside training of health staff, primary, secondary and tertiary prevention efforts are required to effectively address perinatal depression on the Thai-Myanmar border.

A common discussion within the international development cooperation discourse is that of ownership and dependency. A discussion which has become of great significance within the context of Myanmar as more and more international and foreign development agencies and organizations have been aloud into the country during the major structural reform process Myanmar is currently undergoing. When the state, as a public service provider, is not able to supply what is needed within the villages around Myanmar these international and foreign organizations and agencies become of great importance as they have access to the necessary funds to provide these services. The support to the villages is often distributed through the most deeply rooted and inclusive forum there are within these villages, namely community committees. This study investigates how the vertical relationship between the INGOs, their local partner NGOs and the community committees affect the role and possibly the legitimacy of the community committees. This is done through a case study of a village that is currently provided support through its two community committees by two INGOs and their local partner NGO. To understand the role and legitimacy interviews have been conducted with the legitimizing environment of the community committees as well as with the community committees and the local NGO themselves to try to identify the affects of the aid on the perceived role and legitimacy of the community committees. The study found that the relationship does have a significant affect on the role and legitimacy of the community committees. It seems that the relationship does, through a top-down approach, influence the community committees to monopolize the definition of development within their village. Due to this the community they are based within also considers the community committees legitimate.

The role of religion in conflict and peacebuilding has mostly been depicted in binary terms: either as a source of violence or of reconciliation. The Government of Myanmar facing serious challenges to resolve between the conflicting demands and aspirations of the Rakhine Buddhist and the Muslim communities. The Government of Myanmar trying to show Rohingya community as a whole as violent extremists – ignoring the historical fact that the Rohingya themselves are one of the most-oppressed minority group in the world. The problems faced by Rohingya are implanted in decades of authoritarian rule, violence, and mistrust among different religious groups. Pre-empting deep-seated violence could be eliminated by showing a credible process that can demonstrate to the Buddhist and Muslim communities that political avenues exist and multi-religious dialogue could facilitate peaceful co-existence. This study will employ critical discourse analysis and doctrinal analysis on the existing literature, news reports and reports of the local bodies and international organizations followed by a case study to analyze how religion played a role in unrest and violence in Rakhine State in Myanmar and how multifaith dialogue and cooperation could contribute towards reconciliation process for peaceful coexistence of Rohingya and other religious and ethnic groups. The case study is to be conducted using semi-structured interviews among persons fleeing from violence and took shelter in Bangladesh and also participants residing in conflict zone including individuals from majority and minority religious and ethnic groups and other relevant stakeholders. While identifying potential solutions or way outs for the Rakhine State, this study will also show how religion played either positive or negative role and lessons need to be learned for long-term peacebuilding.

Cette thèse porte sur les chaînes opératoires de la poterie et de la métallurgie dans la région du lac Inlé au Myanmar et plus particulièrement sur les dynamiques sociales et les collectifs dans lesquels s’inscrivent les artisans. Il s’agit de comprendre comment fonctionnent ces communautés et comment s’articulent ces collectifs. En d’autres termes, il faut répertorier et expliquer les choix techniques opérés par les artisans en les situant dans leur contexte historique, social, économique et religieux afin de comprendre les dynamiques de constitution du sens et de transformation de ces pratiques techniques. Pour ce faire, il faut cerner les effets de l’action directe de l’artisan (ce qu’il fait, comment il le fait et pourquoi), mais également les effets indirects de cette action (ce qui soutient l’artisan et sa pratique, ce qui agit sur son corps, ce qui guide son action).Afin de remplir ces objectifs, une importance particulière sera donnée à l’observation et la récolte des diverses chaînes opératoires rencontrées et de leurs alternatives fonctionnellement équivalentes ainsi que leur distribution spatiale. Je m’attèlerai à mettre en évidence les modes d’entrée au sein de ces carrières (la manière de devenir artisan), ainsi qu’à décrire la répartition des tâches et à identifier les différents types d’organisation du travail dont sont l’objet ces diverses chaînes opératoires. Pour chacune de ces chaînes opératoires, j’envisagerai également les différentes échelles (spatiales, sociales, temporelles et typologiques) auxquelles se déploient ces pratiques ainsi que la question du transfert et de la mise en œuvre concrète de ces connaissances et savoir-faire techniques. Tout ceci va me permettre de dégager plusieurs collectifs faisant sens pour les artisans et la manière dont ils s’articulent les uns aux autres afin de composer ensemble un espace social. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The diploma thesis presents an overview of the extinct representatives of Blattidae, the still living cockroach family. Six already described species, belonging to three genera, have been confirmed. All of them lived during Cenozoic. Eight new morphotypes from Myanmar amber were recognized. Cenomanian Burmite with its exceptional state of preservation, allows a detailed study of the morphology of the inclusions. Six morphototypes belong to the family Blattidae. One morphotype belongs to the derived family Olidae studied herein. One female morphotype belongs to the still living family Ectobiidae, based on the presence of an attached ootheca. The work specifies the previous molecular analysis (J2-K1) and determines the divergence of Blattidae during Early Cretaceous. Any evidence and interpolations before 127Ma is not substantiated. Phylogenetic analysis confirmed Blattidae being parafyletic in respect to the family Olidae. The work emphasizes the need for changes in systematics of the Mesoblattinidae, the stem of the Blattidae. Amber is confirmed as the product of coniferous trees of the Araucariaceae family. Key words: Blattidae, taxonomy, phylogeny, Cenomanian, Myanmar amber

The Diploma thesis deals with the Burmese immigrants who were granted asylum and a new home within the resettlement program in the Czech Republic. It is focused on the process of adaptation to Czech culture and the factors affecting this process. In the theoretical part, terms related to culture, adaptation and migration are defined. The institutions operating in the Czech Republic providing assistance and other services to immigrants are also discussed in the text. In the practical part the problem of adapting Burmese refugees to Czech culture is discussed on the basis of their own experience using the method of semi-structured interview as a part of a qualitative research.