This thesis explores the development of a multi-stakeholder partnership model using a multiple case study research design. Specifically this study examines the rationale for the launch of the Rajasthan Education initiative, its development and its impact on educational development and reaches conclusions about the scalability and sustainability of multistakeholder partnerships (MSPs) in the context of Rajasthan. The literature review shows that there is insufficient independent research evidence to support the widespread claims that public private partnerships (PPPs), of which MSP is a new ‘avatar', are able to deliver results in terms of developmental gains and added value. This paucity of evidence and profusion of claims is partly explained by the fact, that the research that has been commissioned is not independent and its conclusions have been shaped by vested interests of those promoting the organisations they claim to evaluate. In particular organisations associated with the World Economic Forum (WEF) have been projecting PPPs and programmes of corporate responsibility as a way to engage for-profit organisations and enhance the effectiveness of external support for the delivery of services to basic education. Alongside this not-for-profit PPPs are seldom scrutinised in terms of public accountability, value for money, scalability, or sustainability partly due to the voluntary nature of such inputs to the public system. I believe my research makes a new and unique contribution to the independent evaluation of state enabled, not-for-profit MSPs in action. The research selected eight formal partnerships for case study which were selected using a matrix of organisational characteristics, scale and scope of interventions. The case studies are organised into four thematic groups i.e, School adoption, ICT based interventions, teachers' training and universalisation of elementary education in underserved urban localities. Each case study is examined using a framework which highlights three dimensions. These are i) the design of the partnership, ii) stakeholder involvement and intra agent dynamics and iii) the Governance of the partnership. A cross case analysis of the eight partnerships is used to arrive at conclusions about MSPs in Rajasthan. This uses the concept of double contingency of power (Sayer 2004), and specifically the concept of causal power and causal susceptibilities and Stake's (2006) multiple case analysis, to discuss the commonalities and differences across partnerships and emerging themes while cross analysing the partnerships. I have engaged in interpretivist inquiry and sought to understand the workings of an MSP which involves businesses and CSR groups alongside NGOs and government agencies with an aim to place Rajasthan on a fast development track. Rather than looking for an ideal type MSP, I problematise the MSPs in Rajasthan as I explain the workings of an MSP model in action. Given this methodological perspective, I have used semi structured interviews, observations of the partnership programmes in action, and document analysis as methods to collect and corroborate data for this study. The study concludes that the exiting MSP arrangements in REI are not scalable, unsustainable and have very limited impact. Moreover, the MSPs are unstable and reflect fluid inter-organisational evolution, as well as ambiguous public accountability. There was no purposeful financial management at the REI management level. In addition the exit routes for partners supporting interventions were not planned, resulting in the fading away of even those interventions that showed promise in accruing learning gains for children, and by schools and teachers. Non-scalability and lack of sustainability can be inferred from the fact that the partners do not have a long term view of interventions, lack sustained commitment for resource input and the interventions are implemented with temporary work force. The instability of the partnerships can be explained through the absence of involvement of government teachers and communities. Also economic and political power dominated the fate of the programmes. In this MSP it was clear that corporate social responsibility (CSR) was a driving force for establishing the MSP but was not backed by continued and meaningful engagement. The ‘win-win' situation of greater resources, efficiency and effectiveness, which formed the basic premise for launching the REI was not evident in reality. MSPs are gaining currency globally. This research points to the fact that much more intentional action needs to be taken to ensure that partnerships such as these have a sustained impact on development. The problems and issues of education are historically, politically and socially embedded. Any action that does not take this into account and which is blind to the interests of different stakeholders in MSPs, will surely fall short of achieving what it set out to do. Further independent research examining the ambitions and realities of other MSPs is needed to inform policy development and implementation. This is essential for achieving the goals of education for all before investing further in what appears to be a flawed modality to improve access, equity and outcomes in education.

Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, has been going through a democratization process since 2011, despite different stages of conflict in several regions. In Karen State the main ethnic armed group, has signed the National Ceasefire Agreement in 2015. With the democratization process came a lot of changes for civil society. The role of civil society has been subject of many studies, with most researchers acknowledging that that role is dependent on the environment in which civil society operates. An important actor in this environment is the state. This research aimed to get a better understanding of how the state influences civil society and the work it does. To do this, the case of Karen State in Myanmar was chosen. The research question of this thesis was as follows: How is the state influencing civil society and its functions in peacebuilding in Myanmar, specifically Karen State? To answer the research question, the research was conducted as a field study. An abductive approach was taken with the use of semi-structured interviews for qualitative data. To get comprehensive results, three types of organizations were interviewed: local CSOs, national CSOs and international CSOs. To analyse the results, two frameworks were used: the functions of civil society in peacebuilding according to Paffenholz and Spurk (2006) and the dimensions of the relationship of the state and civil society according to Müller (2006).   The results show that civil society, in their view, is negatively influenced by the state. They are experiencing restrictions in performing some of their activities. The main worry for many of the organizations is the consequences of officially registering the organization. This requires giving up a lot of information to the government and makes them subject to influences from the state. Some other influences were the restriction of some activities, with even people getting arrested for their advocacy work. Collectively civil society is getting weaker, as the civil government is creating a divide in civil society with organizations that support them and organizations that are critical. Future research must go deeper into the influence of different state actors, and how each actor influences civil society in its own way.

This study examines China and the United States’ sanctions vis-à-vis the Democratic People’s Republic of North Korea and Burma. The central research question is: Given China’s historical stance on sanctions is it possible to encourage China to further support the sanctions regimes against North Korea and Burma? If so, how? And if not, should the sanctions regime be modified by the sender states in order to achieve the original goals of the sanctions given China’s unwillingness to support the regime? Using all UNSC cases from 1997 to the present this study explores the likelihood of China’s involvement in sanctions by identifying what factors make China’s involvement in sanctions more likely, referred to in this study as China’s sanctions parameters. After applying China’s sanctions parameters to the cases of North Korea and Burma it is found that in North Korea, China could more rigorously uphold the spirit of the UNSC sanctions. Specifically, it is recommended that China tighten its restrictions on the export of luxury goods and further restrict and inspect DPRK planes flying over Chinese airspace. Furthermore, this thesis suggests that the US apply pressure on China to change its behavior in these two areas as well as apply consistent sanctions rhetoric towards the DPRK. These recommendations are feasible as they do not overly stretch China’s sanctions parameters or overtax US capabilities. In the case of Burma, it is found that US sanctions vastly overstretch China’s sanctions parameters making it highly unlikely China will participate in the sanctions regime. Thus, it is recommended the US modify its sanctions regime to achieve the goal of liberalization in Burma.

This dissertation explains why Taiwan and South Korea experienced democratic breakthrough in the late 1980s, when Singapore failed to do so. It explains this variation in democratic outcomes by specifying the causal mechanisms underpinning the international-domestic political interface of democratic development in these cases. New empirical evidence discovered in the course of this research has confirmed that transnational networks of nonstate and substate actors were an indisputable source of external pressures on the authoritarian governments of Taiwan, South Korea and Singapore during the late 1970s and early 80s. Foreign human rights activists, Christian missionaries and ecumenical workers, members of overseas diaspora communities, journalists, academics and students, along with legislators in key democratic countries allied to the target governments, were found to have raised the international profile of political repression by flagging them as reprehensible human rights abuses. Within the context of an international normative environment where human rights was increasingly considered a legitimate international concern, these transnational actors generated a negative international opinion of the target governments. Such grassroots pressures had the potential to raise the cost of political repression for these target governments with the effect of curbing repressive state behavior, thereby protecting key domestic actors with the potential to effect democratic breakthrough. The extent to which these external pressures could effectively constrain repressive state behavior depended, however, on the immediate geopolitical circumstances of each case. Geopolitical circumstances were also important because they could affect the strength of the protection regime. Thus, the exposition of the transnational protection regime as the causal mechanism underpinning the international-domestic political interface of democratic development requires that we specify the exact role of agency within the international normative and geopolitical contexts in which they operate. This dissertation develops such an abstracted causal model for the purposes of application in other cases and for policy analysis.

This dissertation explains why Taiwan and South Korea experienced democratic breakthrough in the late 1980s, when Singapore failed to do so. It explains this variation in democratic outcomes by specifying the causal mechanisms underpinning the international-domestic political interface of democratic development in these cases. New empirical evidence discovered in the course of this research has confirmed that transnational networks of nonstate and substate actors were an indisputable source of external pressures on the authoritarian governments of Taiwan, South Korea and Singapore during the late 1970s and early 80s. Foreign human rights activists, Christian missionaries and ecumenical workers, members of overseas diaspora communities, journalists, academics and students, along with legislators in key democratic countries allied to the target governments, were found to have raised the international profile of political repression by flagging them as reprehensible human rights abuses. Within the context of an international normative environment where human rights was increasingly considered a legitimate international concern, these transnational actors generated a negative international opinion of the target governments. Such grassroots pressures had the potential to raise the cost of political repression for these target governments with the effect of curbing repressive state behavior, thereby protecting key domestic actors with the potential to effect democratic breakthrough. The extent to which these external pressures could effectively constrain repressive state behavior depended, however, on the immediate geopolitical circumstances of each case. Geopolitical circumstances were also important because they could affect the strength of the protection regime. Thus, the exposition of the transnational protection regime as the causal mechanism underpinning the international-domestic political interface of democratic development requires that we specify the exact role of agency within the international normative and geopolitical contexts in which they operate. This dissertation develops such an abstracted causal model for the purposes of application in other cases and for policy analysis.

Against a backdrop of local, regional and national conflicts the former generals now in government, have decided to focus on tourism and have worked hard since 2010 to develop Burma’s tourism sector. Ngapali, a small costal community in Rakhine state has been developed into a tourism destination with hotels and restaurants, all located on a beautiful beach. Tourism has great implications for communities, both negative and positive. For Ngapali the development of tourism led to an increased amount of jobs in the tourism sector. The access to hospitality training and education also increased. Educated and trained staff were able to demand higher wages for themselves and they managed to access further hospitality training at other tourist destinations in Burma. The few Burmese Rohingya employed at the hotels did unfortunately not share this rather empowered position the Burmese Buddhists had as they fell victim to severe discrimination. Unfortunately the development of tourism in Ngapali led to a conflict between the hotels located at the beach and the fishermen who traditionally had used the beach for drying fish. The lack of participation from local population in the development of tourism was also problematic. The Burmese government chose to design the tourism sector in Ngapali as they pleased without taking the local community into account. The use of hotel zones, sand mining, lack of infrastructure thus leading all tourists to fly to Ngapali, the fact that the hotels used already scarce water and electricity resources and the discrimination and ill-treatment of marginalized groups made the tourism sector unsustainable. In addition to these local conflicts and issues the over-all situation in Rakhine, and even Burma, make the future for Ngapali as a tourism destination very uncertain.

The Rohingya, an ethnic minority group that traditionally have lived in Rakhine State, Myanmar, are facing severe structural discrimination from the Myanmar state. Rohingya women and girls have experienced horrific acts of gender-based violence from the Myanmar army in Rakhine State before they fled to Bangladesh and the refugee camps in Cox Bazar area. In these refugee camps gender-based violence continues to be widespread, much like other refugee camps in other parts of the world. Rohingya women and girls are vulnerable because of their gender, refugee status and ethnic affiliation. In addition they become even more vulnerable because family and community structures have broken down. These intersecting vulnerabilities make them exposed to gender-based violence from a number of different perpetrators. In addition these intersecting vulnerabilities lead to a lack of access to sexual and reproductive health services. Overall the humanitarian organisations operating in Cox Bazar did not manage to deliver these sexual and reproductive health services to the amount of Rohingya women and girls that needed them. Although gender-based violence was identified to be widespread in the refugee camps preventive measures were few. The unequal power relationships are identified as an underpinning reason for gender-based violence. In addition, the underlying causes of gender-based violence are connected with beliefs, norms, attitudes and structures that promote and/or tolerate gender-based discrimination and unequal power relationships.

The Rohingya Muslim minority, originally living in Rakhine state in western Myanmar, has been marginalized and harassed for decades. The Rohingya minority has been stateless since 1982 and they strive to become Burmese citizens. Many Rohingya have been displaced and live in refugee camps in Bangladesh with UNHCR calling them one of the most vulnerable refugee groups in the world. The military junta in Myanmar did not look kindly at rebellious minority groups in the country, brutally beating down all minority opposition. Despite Myanmar is now in a process of democratization, the State-Councilor and President in all but name, Aung San Suu Kyi has refused to address the ongoing violence suffered by Rohingya. Although Myanmar has 135 recognized minority groups, the country is far from being a pluralistic society. Ethnicity and religion have played an important role in creating a national identity in Myanmar; a national identity which systematically excludes Rohingya. This thesis argues that the reason for Rohingya’s exclusion is the so called political Buddhism in Myanmar. Political Buddhism is when excluding Buddhism, the Burmese ethnicity and aggressive nationalism are used to exclude and persecute minority groups perceived as non-Burman. This thesis explores, through an ideology analysis, how political Buddhism can be used to understand the exclusion of Rohingya in Myanmar. Finally, the conclusion is that political Buddhism has been an important element to Rohingya’s exclusion in Myanmar. However, it is not the sole explanation and other factors such as poverty and underdevelopment are also considerable aspects. / I Rakhine i västra Myanmar lever den muslimska minoritetsgruppen Rohingya under stort förtryck. Myanmars burmesiska majoritet har förtryckt Rohingya i årtionden och sedan 1982 är minoritetsgruppen statslösa. Flera hundratusen Rohingyier har flytt från Rakhine till flyktingläger i Bangladesh och UNHCR har kallat dem en av världens mest utsatta flyktinggrupper. Trots att Myanmar genomgår en demokratiseringsprocess vägrar Myanmars folkvalda ledare, Aung San Suu Kyi att fördöma våldet som Rohingya har fått utstå. Myanmar har 135 officiella minoritetsgrupper, men Rohingya är inte en av dem och landet är har fortfarande långt kvar till att bli ett accepterande mångkulturellt samhälle. Etnicitet och religion har spelat en viktig roll i skapandet av Myanmars nationella identitet, vilken har exkluderat Rohingya och andra icke-etniska burmesiska minoritetsgrupper. Jag argumenterar att anledningen till denna exkludering beror på så kallad politisk Buddhism, en kvasi-ideologi som uppstått genom exkluderande Buddhism, burmesisk etnicitet och aggressiv nationalism. Den här uppsatsen konceptualiserar politisk Buddhism genom en ideologianalys, utifrån en idealtyp och strävar efter att öka förståelsen för Rohingyas exkludering i Myanmar. Avslutningsvis är politisk Buddhism till stor del anledningen till Rohingyas marginalisering, men andra faktorer såsom fattigdom och låg ekonomisk utveckling är också möjliga faktorer.

In August 2017, the Myanmar military initiated what the United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights called a text-book example of ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya ethnic minority. In 2020, Myanmar is called to the International Court of Justice to answer to allegations of committed genocide. As the UN has failed to invoke the responsibility to protect, the world has turned to regional organizations as a prevention mechanism in mass atrocity prevention. The research objective of this study is to examine how Myanmar’s regional organization ASEAN has responded to the oppression of the Rohingya minority, as to explain why the atrocities targeting the Rohingya in Myanmar could not be prevented regionally and add to the research on mass atrocity prevention. This thesis is an abductive text analysis with an analytical framework based on Regional Security Complex Theory, which is used to investigate power relations within the region. This thesis argues that the reason the crisis could not be prevented by ASEAN was due to problems on the national, regional, and international levels. Myanmar’s disinterest in human rights, ASEAN’s norm of non-interference, and the international community’s interest in Myanmar’s rich resources all became obstacles in preventing the atrocity from happening. Since genocide prevention has failed several times since the UN’s genocide convention was adopted and entered into force, it is important to add more research to previous work to understand why mass atrocities continue to happen and how we could prevent these atrocities from happening again. The research looks at the Rohingya crisis to draw learnings that can be added to the research on mass atrocity prevention.

Social media has been idealised as a valuable tool for supporting democratic change, with digital advocates and international development organisations encouraging the mass adoption of internet-based technology to assist in giving voice to citizens, as a central constituent of the democratisation process. However, it is evident that many fragile states experience challenges posed by digital transitions. This thesis examines how digital transformation as a social process has affected the social cohesion and development of Myanmar. It further examines if the ‘Free Basics’ initiative played a role in the rapid digital transformation of Myanmar, and if there were ensuing effects on the social cohesion of the country. It also examines the role of social media in amplifying ‘voice’, and further analyses what voices are heard within the discourse. The comprehensive literature review, discourse analysis, and insight gained from interviewing a Rohingya community leader suggest that Myanmar underwent an extraordinarily rapid digital transformation which impacted the way information, socio-political events and national identity were mediated, created, and disseminated. This research demonstrates that social media did play a role in amplifying voice, which had been heralded by techno-optimists as a beacon of hope in democratisation. However, the platform amplified voices regardless of their veracity or potential to incite controversies, which led to a cataclysmic fuelling of existing ethnic tensions, and subsequently translated into an act of genocide being committed against the Rohingya population.