Les conflits armés dans des pays producteurs de drogues illicites, comme la Birmanie, sont parmi les plus longs du XXe et du XXIe siècles. Dans ces conflits, l’industrie de la drogue est souvent présentée comme la source de financement qui permet aux groupes insurgés de poursuivre leur combat contre le gouvernement central. Cependant, l’économie illicite birmane s’est développée pendant un conflit armé tout comme durant une période de stabilité accrue. Une analyse des régions shan, wa et kokang de l’État Shan démontre que les industries de la drogue ont prospéré à la fois durant le conflit armé et en l’absence de celui-ci lorsque des ententes entre élites existent autour du partage des rentes de cette économie. / Armed conflict in drug-producing countries such as Burma conflict, are among the longest in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. In these conflicts, the drug industry is often portrayed as the source of funding that allows insurgent groups to continue their struggle against the central government. However, the Burmese illicit economy grew both during armed conflict and during a period of increased stability. An analysis of the Shan, Kokang and Wa regions of Burma’s Shan State demonstrates that drug industries have flourished during armed conflict and in its absence when elites have agreed to share rents from the industry.

This thesis challenges the prevailing academic and journalistic consensus that ASEAN states, bound by a cast-iron norm of non-interference, do not intervene in other states’ internal affairs. It argues that ASEAN states have frequently engaged in acts of intervention, often with very serious, negative consequences. Using methods of critical historical sociology, the thesis reconstructs the history of ASEAN’s non-interference principle and interventions from ASEAN’s inception onwards, drawing on sources including ASEAN and UN documents, US and UK archives, and policymaker interviews. It focuses especially on three case studies: East Timor, Cambodia, and Myanmar. The thesis argues that both the emergence of ideologies of non-intervention and their violation can be explained by the social conflicts animating state policies. Non-interference was developed by embattled, authoritarian, capitalist elites in an attempt to bolster their defence of capitalist social order from radical challenges. Where adherence to non-intervention failed to serve this purpose, it was discarded or manipulated to permit cross-border ‘containment’ operations. After communism was defeated in the ASEAN states, foreign policy continued to promote the interests of dominant, state-linked business groups and oligarchic factions. Non-interference shifted to defend domestic power structures from the West’s liberalising agenda. However, ASEAN elites continued meddling in neighbouring states even as containment operations were discarded. This contributed to the collapse of Cambodia’s ruling coalition in 1997, and ASEAN subsequently intervened to restore it. The 1997 Asian financial crisis dealt a crippling blow to ASEAN. To contain domestic unrest in Indonesia, core ASEAN states joined a humanitarian intervention in East Timor in 1999. In the decade since, non-interference has been progressively weakened as the core members struggle to regain domestic legitimacy and lost international political and economic space. This is expressed most clearly in ASEAN’s attempts to insert itself into Myanmar’s democratisation process after decades of failed ‘constructive engagement’.

Le Myanmar traverse un processus de libéralisation politique qui a été entamé par le haut. Le régime militaire a tenu des élections générales en 2010, lesquelles ont placé au pouvoir un nouveau gouvernement composé à la fois de civils et de militaires. Depuis, la majorité des sanctions imposées par plusieurs États occidentaux au Myanmar ont été levées, et on observe une diversification des relations internationales du pays. Imbriqué à la sphère d’influence chinoise depuis quelques années, celui-ci rétablit des contacts diplomatiques et économiques avec l’Occident. Peu de chercheurs ont tenté d’expliquer les causes de cette transition politique, et le lien entre libéralisation politique et diversification des relations internationales n’a pas encore été expliqué. Ce mémoire propose de le faire en utilisant un modèle théorique issu de deux types de littérature, celle sur la culture stratégique et celle sur les transitions politiques. Il suggère que la libéralisation politique du Myanmar s’explique par les luttes d’influences au sein du régime entre deux sous-cultures stratégiques, les hardliners et les softliners. L’application des normes favorisées par les hardliners ayant échoué dans l’atteinte des objectifs stratégiques du régime, les softliners ont pu imposer leurs propres préférences normatives. Il propose également que la libéralisation politique était une étape nécessaire pour que le gouvernement birman puisse diversifier ses relations internationales. / Myanmar is going through a political liberalization process which was initiated from above. The military regime held a general election in 2010, which brought to power a new government composed of both civilians and militaries. Since then, most of the sanctions imposed to Myanmar by Western states were lifted, and we observe a diversification of the country's international relations. Nested in the Chinese sphere of influence in recent years, Myanmar restores diplomatic and economic ties with the West. Few researchers have attempted to explain the causes of this political transition, and the links between the political liberalization and the diversification of international relations has not yet been explained. This thesis proposes to do so by using a theoretical model derived from two types of literature, the one on strategic culture and the one on political transitions. It suggests that Myanmar’s political liberalization is due to power struggles within the regime between two strategic subcultures, the hardliners and softliners. The application of norms favored by hardliners having failed in achieving the strategic objectives of the regime, softliners were able to impose their own normative preferences. It also suggests that the political liberalization process was a necessary step for the Burmese government to be able to diversify its international relations.

Ma thèse porte sur les savoirs cartographiques en situation coloniale, au nord de la péninsule indochinoise. J'y envisage la manière dont des espaces frontaliers, disputés par des États coloniaux et nationaux, ont été représentés et construits, entre 1885 et 1914, par les différents acteurs en présence: empires britannique, français et chinois, royaume de Siam, populations locales. L'enjeu est de dépasser les histoires nationales afin de proposer une étude croisée des politiques géographiques britannique et française clans des marges impériales. Ce croisement révèle trois processus centraux. Tout d'abord, il montre que la cartographie des confins constitue un observatoire de la production des territoires et de la définition des entités étatiques et coloniales. Il montre égalemen1 le rôle de la cartographie au service des relations internationales dans un contexte de forte compétition. Enfin, il permet de lire les relations entre politiques géographiques impériales et pratiques de terrain : par-delà la manichéenne opposition entre « savoirs traditionnels » et «sciences modernes » se dessine une riche dialectique entre savoirs coloniaux et savoirs vernaculaires. / My dissertation offers a connected history of Northern lndochinese Peninsula during the early years of colonization (1885-1914). I discuss the link between cartography and the empire and question the construction of the imperial territories through maps. I see how the border areas that were disputed by the colonial and national States have been represented and constructed, between 1885 and 1914, by the different actors: British, French and Chinese empires, Siam realm, local peoples. I argue the central value of a spatially marginalized territory, for which Willem van Schendel has spoken of a "geography of ignorance". Mostly unknown from the Europeans, inhabited by ethnic minorities, it is actually a border space. Looking at the empires from their borders is a good way of studying the central imperial politics. Besides, cartography plays a role in the international relations in a context of high competition. Finally, there are links between the different cartographies at that lime, which show the rote of cartographic knowledge in the colonial encounter in Burma and in Vietnam as well.

Dans cette thèse, sont présentées la façon dont est accommodé le mouvement relatif entre les blocs Inde et Sonde à l'actuel ainsi que l'évolution de la déformation de la Zone de Cisaillement Est Indienne depuis le cénozoïque.<br />J'ai utilisé une approche pluridisciplinaire, basée sur la combinaison de la géodésie spatiale et de la géologie structurale, pour répondre à ces questions. Le GPS (Global Positioning System) permet de quantifier les déplacements relatifs des plaques ainsi que les mouvements intra-continentaux instantanés. La cartographie de failles à partir d'images satellitaires et les données structurales de terrain permettent d'identifier les structures tectoniques sur lesquelles ces déplacements ont été accommodés au cours du temps, ainsi que le type de déformation qui leur est associé.<br />J'ai pu contraindre le pôle de rotation entre les plaques Inde et Sonde. Leur mouvement relatif à la frontière n'est pas accommodé sur une seule faille isolée, mais sur plusieurs structures discrètes affectant une bande large d'environ 500 km, correspondant géographiquement à la Birmanie. La faille de Sagaing, intersismiquement bloquée, n'accommode que 18 mm/an en décrochement dextre. La partie restante de la déformation est sans doute prise dans le prisme indo-birman, aussi bien en décrochement qu'en chevauchement.<br />Au nord, le système partitionné birman se connecte à la Syntaxe Est Himalayenne. La transition entre ces deux systèmes est assurée, au Yunnan Occidental (Chine), par la rotation de microblocs le long de failles sénestres NE-SW, depuis le pliocène.<br />Auparavant, entre l'éocène et le miocène, la zone de cisaillement Shan Scarp - Gaoligong Shan constituait la limite majeure dextre entre l'Inde et l'Indochine tandis que les massifs de l'Ailao / Diangcan Shan et de la Chong Shan étaient cisaillés en sénestre, autorisant un déplacement du bloc Indochinois vers le SE.

The main purpose of this thesis is to discuss what exile writing is and who can be seen as an exile writer. If the word “exile” is related to forced dislocation, like Paul Tabori and Sopia A. McClennen describes it, who can be viewed as an exile writer? Is Anders Olsson’s definition of an exile writer acceptable or not? Could the The Escape, a future story about exiled Northern Europeans in Myanmar, be classified as exile literature? Another purpose with this text is to describe how a story about exile can be made realistic and tangible to a reader who has not experienced exile. How can the exile experience be shown in a text? The third major aim with this thesis is to discuss how an ethnographic study differs from a fictive novel about another culture. Is an academic text more close to reality than fiction and what is reality anyway? Is it possible to make a mix of an academic study and a fictive novel?

本研究旨在瞭解緬甸華文學校與教學現況。研究資料來源分為四個階段：第一階段為來自十四所緬甸華文學校之35位教師；第二階段為第一階段研究參與者中挑選14位不同學校的教師作為學校代表；第三階段為第一個階段中選出四所學校各一名教師作為個案深入訪談對象；第四階段為在國立臺灣大學、國立政治大學、國立師範大學就讀的緬甸籍大學生以及研究生，共20名作為研究對象。第一階段採用開放式的問卷請教師們填答，第二階段以訪談方式收集資料。第一階段和第二階段所收集的內容為了解緬甸十四所學校的基本概況。第三階段為延續性訪談，主要目的為透過四名個案教師之學習經驗、專業訓練、教學環境以及實務教學深入了解緬甸華校以及教學現況，即本研究的重點。第四階段透過20位緬甸僑生在緬甸學習的經驗和在臺灣的各大學校學習的經驗，從學生的角度了解他們對於來臺灣前和來臺灣後的華語文能力自我評量以及就讀緬甸華文華校的感受。四個階段由學校、師生與各個層面深入了解。研究發現緬甸華文學校在緬甸社會環境與文化下雖然歷經很多困難，但仍然在緬甸開花結果。緬甸華文學校大部分為獨立運作的單位，因此各校的學校運作模式、上下課時間和課時、教授的課程有不一樣的情況。緬甸華文學校、教師、教學與教材跟當地環境、社會和文化的關係之間有著很緊密且複雜的關係，因此如想了解華校的內幕必須先了解緬甸的環境、社會和文化。若想改善教學則必須從教師們的學習經驗、教學經驗、所接受過的專業訓練、目前的教學狀況、學生、教學環境以及所形成的原因等找出答案。最後研究者針對緬甸華文學校、教材、教學以及教師提出相應的建議，以便各界人士與相關單位參考。 關鍵字：緬甸華文教育、華文學校、華文教育、華文教學、僑校、華文 / This study aims to explore the present situation of Chinese school and Chinese instruction in Myanmar. The research data collected in four phases: First phase, 35 teachers from 14 Chinese schools in Myanmar answed an open-ended questionnaire. Secondly, 14 teachers selected from the participants in stage one as school representatives were interviewed.Thirdly, four teachers from stage one are selected for in-depth case studies. Fourth, 20 undergraduate and graduate Burmese students from National Taiwan University, National Chengchi University, and National Taiwan Normal University filled out a survey on this Chinese learning while in Myanmar. The findings of the current study are that Chinese teaching has been blooming in Myanmar a long time even when the country underwent many political turmoil. Most of the Chinese Schools in Myanmar are independent. Therefore, the system, teaching hours, schedules, contents all vary. There is a close yet complicated relationship among Myanmar Chinese schools, teachers, instruction, teaching materials, local environment, society, and culture. In order to develop a deep understanding of Chinese Schools in the country, it is important to get an inside’s view into the Myanmar social an cultural ecology and the local Chinese cultural.In order to improve the instruction, we should start from understanding the teachers’ experiences,their professional training, current teaching situation, students, teaching environment and the causes that lead to the present situation. Suggestions for Myanmar Chinese schools, teaching materials, teaching and teachers are provided.

No description available.

[1] Four specimens of zoned tourmaline from granitic pegmatites are characterised in detail, each having unusual compositional and/or morphologic features: (1) a crystal from Black Rapids Glacier, Alaska, showing a central pink zone of elbaite mantled by a thin rim of green liddicoatite; (2) a large (~25 cm) slab of Madagascar liddicoatite cut along (001) showing complex patterns of oscillatory zoning; and (3) a wheatsheaf and (4) a mushroom elbaite from Mogok, Myanmar, both showing extensive bifurcation of fibrous crystals originating from a central core crystal, and showing pronounced discontinuous colour zoning. Crystal chemistry and crystal structure of these samples are characterised by SREF, EMPA, and 11B and 27Al MAS NMR and Mössbauer spectroscopies. For each sample, compositional change, as a function of crystal growth, is characterised by EMPA traverses, and the total chemical variation is reduced to a series of linear substitution mechanisms. Of particular interest are substitutions accommodating the variation in [4]B: (1) TB + YAl ↔ TSi + Y(Fe, Mn)2+, where transition metals are present, and (2) TB2 + YAl ↔ TSi2 + YLi, where transition metals are absent. Integration of all data sets delineates constraints on melt evolution and crystal growth mechanisms. [2] Uncertainty has surrounded the occurrence of [4]Al and [4]B at the T-site in tourmaline, because B is difficult to quantify by EMPA and Al is typically assigned to the octahedral Y- and Z-sites. Although both [4]Al and [4]B have been shown to occur in natural tourmalines, it is not currently known how common these substituents are. Using 11B and 27Al MAS NMR spectroscopy, the presence of [4]B and [4]Al is determined in fifty inclusion-free tourmalines of low transition-metal content with compositions corresponding to five different species. Chemical shifts of [4]B and [3]B in 11B spectra, and [4]Al and [6]Al in 27Al spectra, are well-resolved, allowing detection of very small (< ~0.1 apfu) amounts of T-site constituents. Results show that contents of 0.0 < [4]B, [4]Al < 0.5 apfu are common in tourmalines containing low amounts of paramagnetic species, and that all combinations of Si, Al and B occur in natural tourmalines.

[1] Four specimens of zoned tourmaline from granitic pegmatites are characterised in detail, each having unusual compositional and/or morphologic features: (1) a crystal from Black Rapids Glacier, Alaska, showing a central pink zone of elbaite mantled by a thin rim of green liddicoatite; (2) a large (~25 cm) slab of Madagascar liddicoatite cut along (001) showing complex patterns of oscillatory zoning; and (3) a wheatsheaf and (4) a mushroom elbaite from Mogok, Myanmar, both showing extensive bifurcation of fibrous crystals originating from a central core crystal, and showing pronounced discontinuous colour zoning. Crystal chemistry and crystal structure of these samples are characterised by SREF, EMPA, and 11B and 27Al MAS NMR and Mössbauer spectroscopies. For each sample, compositional change, as a function of crystal growth, is characterised by EMPA traverses, and the total chemical variation is reduced to a series of linear substitution mechanisms. Of particular interest are substitutions accommodating the variation in [4]B: (1) TB + YAl ↔ TSi + Y(Fe, Mn)2+, where transition metals are present, and (2) TB2 + YAl ↔ TSi2 + YLi, where transition metals are absent. Integration of all data sets delineates constraints on melt evolution and crystal growth mechanisms. [2] Uncertainty has surrounded the occurrence of [4]Al and [4]B at the T-site in tourmaline, because B is difficult to quantify by EMPA and Al is typically assigned to the octahedral Y- and Z-sites. Although both [4]Al and [4]B have been shown to occur in natural tourmalines, it is not currently known how common these substituents are. Using 11B and 27Al MAS NMR spectroscopy, the presence of [4]B and [4]Al is determined in fifty inclusion-free tourmalines of low transition-metal content with compositions corresponding to five different species. Chemical shifts of [4]B and [3]B in 11B spectra, and [4]Al and [6]Al in 27Al spectra, are well-resolved, allowing detection of very small (< ~0.1 apfu) amounts of T-site constituents. Results show that contents of 0.0 < [4]B, [4]Al < 0.5 apfu are common in tourmalines containing low amounts of paramagnetic species, and that all combinations of Si, Al and B occur in natural tourmalines.