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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

Globalization And The Political Economy Of Reform In Jordan (1989-2001)

Sutalan, Zeynep 01 December 2006 (has links) (PDF)
Economic reform packages became important for the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) by the 1980s. Mainly as a result of the growing external debt, together with the regional stagnation that began after the second oil shock in the early 1980s, most of the MENA countries were affected by economic crisis. As a response to the economic crises, which also mostly resulted in regime legitimacy crises, many MENA countries initiated economic liberalization programs in cooperation with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank. In some of the Middle Eastern states, these economic liberalization processes were followed or accompanied by political liberalization policies. This thesis analyzes the political economy of reform in Jordan between 1989-2002 with reference to globalization. This thesis chooses Jordan as a case study since Jordan has been regarded as a successful case in implementing economic reforms envisaged in the Washington Consensus by the IMF and World Bank, and a country holding prospects for democracy. In this respect, this study seeks to find out why and how economic liberalization reforms were implemented in Jordan. In addition to that, this thesis displays how domestic and external factors affected both the rationale behind and the implementation of economic and political reforms in the country. The basic conclusion of this thesis is that regime survival is the main concern for the economic and political liberalization processes in Jordan.
2

Political Liberalization In Arab Gulf Monarchies With A Special Emphasis On The Experiences Of Kuwait And Saudi Arabia.

Askar, Irem 01 September 2005 (has links) (PDF)
Arab Gulf monarchies including the constitutional monarchies of Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman / and the absolutist monarchies of the Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, in general, have a poor record of political liberalization. Until the early 1990&rsquo / s, there have been attempts to implement political reforms, however even limited political reforms have been short-lived. Nevertheless, political liberalization in the Arab Gulf monarchies has accelerated particularly since the end of the Cold War, as most of the Arab Gulf ruling elites were then convinced of opening up their political systems. Yet, regardless of similarities in their domestic political contexts, the quality and the quantity of political reform implemented, differed from one Arab Gulf state to another. This study aims to examine, how the ruling regimes of the Arab Gulf have responded to changes in the international context along with the increasing demands for political reform. In addition, it aims to provide the reader with a detailed examination of political liberalization in two specific Arab Gulf states, namely the Kuwait and the Saudi Arabia. Throughout this study, overall performances of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia in terms of political liberalization are compared and the reasons why Kuwait has been noticeably more successful than Saudi Arabia in this field are studied. It is the basic conclusion of this study that despite Arab Gulf regimes have been slow in taking steps towards political liberalization, they are not immune to political liberalization, and that even the most conservative Arab Gulf monarchy, the Saudi Arabia has not been able to remain indifferent to change and political reform.
3

Culture stratégique et libéralisation politique au Myanmar

Rancourt, Jean-François 08 1900 (has links)
Le Myanmar traverse un processus de libéralisation politique qui a été entamé par le haut. Le régime militaire a tenu des élections générales en 2010, lesquelles ont placé au pouvoir un nouveau gouvernement composé à la fois de civils et de militaires. Depuis, la majorité des sanctions imposées par plusieurs États occidentaux au Myanmar ont été levées, et on observe une diversification des relations internationales du pays. Imbriqué à la sphère d’influence chinoise depuis quelques années, celui-ci rétablit des contacts diplomatiques et économiques avec l’Occident. Peu de chercheurs ont tenté d’expliquer les causes de cette transition politique, et le lien entre libéralisation politique et diversification des relations internationales n’a pas encore été expliqué. Ce mémoire propose de le faire en utilisant un modèle théorique issu de deux types de littérature, celle sur la culture stratégique et celle sur les transitions politiques. Il suggère que la libéralisation politique du Myanmar s’explique par les luttes d’influences au sein du régime entre deux sous-cultures stratégiques, les hardliners et les softliners. L’application des normes favorisées par les hardliners ayant échoué dans l’atteinte des objectifs stratégiques du régime, les softliners ont pu imposer leurs propres préférences normatives. Il propose également que la libéralisation politique était une étape nécessaire pour que le gouvernement birman puisse diversifier ses relations internationales. / Myanmar is going through a political liberalization process which was initiated from above. The military regime held a general election in 2010, which brought to power a new government composed of both civilians and militaries. Since then, most of the sanctions imposed to Myanmar by Western states were lifted, and we observe a diversification of the country's international relations. Nested in the Chinese sphere of influence in recent years, Myanmar restores diplomatic and economic ties with the West. Few researchers have attempted to explain the causes of this political transition, and the links between the political liberalization and the diversification of international relations has not yet been explained. This thesis proposes to do so by using a theoretical model derived from two types of literature, the one on strategic culture and the one on political transitions. It suggests that Myanmar’s political liberalization is due to power struggles within the regime between two strategic subcultures, the hardliners and softliners. The application of norms favored by hardliners having failed in achieving the strategic objectives of the regime, softliners were able to impose their own normative preferences. It also suggests that the political liberalization process was a necessary step for the Burmese government to be able to diversify its international relations.
4

La décentralisation en Angola et au Mozambique : Du discours à la consécration juridique / The decentralization in Angola and Mozambique : From discourse to legal consecration

Varimelo, Arquimedes João F. 21 December 2017 (has links)
Après avoir adopté la centralisation comme mode d´organisation politique etadministrative, l´Angola et le Mozambique ont décidé d’emprunter la voie de ladécentralisation.Cette option pour la décentralisation se justifierait, selon le discours porté,principalement, par les acteurs politiques, par sa capacité à répondre à des enjeuxpolitiques, sociaux, économiques et administratifs qui on trouve dans ces deux pays.Cependant, le synchronisme entre ce discours et la consécration juridique de ladécentralisation dans ces pays reste loin d´être une réalité.Ainsi, la présente étude analyse la consécration juridique de la décentralisation,compte tenu du discours sur la décentralisation tenu dans ces deux pays. / After adopting political centralization as a form of political and administrativeorganization, Angola and Mozambique made up on decentralization reforms as a largeprocess of administrative reform.This choice for decentralization reforms would be warranted, according to theprevailing discourse, mainly by political actors, by its capacity to address certainpolitical, social, economic and administrative problems that can be found in these twocountries.However, the synchronism between this discourse and the legal consecration ofdecentralization in these countries remains far from being a reality.Thus, this study analyzes the legal consecration of decentralization, taking into accountthe discourse of decentralization prevailing in both countries.
5

Le burkina faso depuis 1991 : entre stabilite politique et illusionnisme démocratique / Burkina faso since 1991 : between political stability and democratic illusionism

Natielse, Kouléga Julien 01 July 2013 (has links)
Le « Burkina Faso depuis 1991 : entre stabilité politique et illusionnisme démocratique » ambitionne de se projeter au cœur du régime de la IVème République. Les fondements de la domination de l’élite politique post-transition sont examinés à travers la stratégie de conquête du pouvoir politique et la légitimation électorale à travers l’organisation des premières élections pluralistes. Le président Blaise Compaoré progressivement met en place un système de domination verrouillé où les possibilités de changements démocratiques s’amenuisent pour ses adversaires politiques. Cette mainmise du régime de M. Blaise Compaoré nécessite des ressources qui se déclinent en ressources internes et en un répertoire de légitimation internationale qui fait aujourd’hui du président Blaise Compaoré un acteur majeur du jeu politique sous-régional. / "Burkina Faso since 1991: between political stability and democratic illusion" aims to project in the heart of the regime of the Fourth Republic. The foundations of the dominance of the post-transition political elite are examined through the strategy of conquest of political power and electoral legitimacy by organizing the first multiparty elections. President Blaise Compaoré gradually set up a system of domination locked where the possibilities of democratic change are dwindling for his political opponents. This control regime Blaise Compaoré requires resources that are available in-house resources and a directory of international legitimacy that is now President Blaise Compaoré a major player in the political game sub regional levels.

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