Les chefs d'Etats Africains, après avoir mué l'Organisation de l'Unité Africaine en Union Africaine, ont proposé le Nouveau Partenariat pour le Développement de l'Afrique (NEPAD), comme cadre pour une nouvelle relation de partenariat entre l'Afrique et la communauté internationale. Dans le cadre de ce nouveau partenariat, les dirigeants africains s'engagent à promouvoir dans leurs pays, leur région et dans le continent, la paix, la sécurité, la démocratie, le bonne gouvernance, le respect des droits de l'homme et une saine gestion économique, comme une stratégie pour guider le développement de l’Afrique au 21è Siècle. Le NEPAD a suscité une réaction positive dans la communauté internationale. Le NEPAD repose sur des fondements du développement durable sur le continent, sans lesquels il sera impossible d'arriver à des résultats probants. Parmi ces fondements, on peut citer : la démocratie, la bonne gouvernance, la gouvernance économique et la gouvernance des entreprises. Pour atteindre cet objectif, le NEPAD propose des réformes institutionnelles comme l´utilisation d´outils d'évaluation qui permettront d'instaurer définitivement la bonne gouvernance dans les structures de l'Etat. / Os chefes de Estado africanos, após a transformação da Organização da Unidade Africana em União Africana, propuseram a Nova Parceria para o Desenvolvimento da África (NEPAD), como um quadro para uma nova relação de parceria entre a África e a comunidade internacional. Neste sentido de nova parceria, os dirigentes africanos se engajaram em promover nos seus países, na sua região e no Continente, a paz, a segurança, a democracia, a boa governança, o respeito dos direitos humanos e uma saudável gestão econômica, como uma estratégia para orientar o desenvolvimento da África no século XXI. A NEPAD suscitou uma reação positiva na comunidade internacional. A NEPAD repousa sobre fundamentos de desenvolvimento duradouro no Continente, sem os quais tornam-se impossíveis resultados concretos. Entre esses fundamentos podemos citar: a democracia, a boa governança, a governança econômica e a governança das empresas. Para alcançar o objetivo, a NEPAD propõe reformas institucionais como a utilização de meios de avaliação que permitem instaurar definitivamente a boa governança nas estruturas do Estado.

Greater access to international markets is universally accepted as the solution for many of Africa’s problems. Such increased access would theoretically allow African countries the opportunity to develop strong economies. Sustainable growth through trade would then replace the current common dependence on aid and enable African citizens to enjoy a fuller share of the myriad benefits of globalisation. The gradual global reduction in historic methods to protect markets aspects, such as tariffs, is bringing technical requirements to the fore. These requirements often become Technical Barriers to Trade (TBTs) between Africa and its trading partners. Simultaneously, there are continuous global demands for greater access to African markets. Such demands occur even as ever more stringent technical requirements for granting reciprocal access in developed markets are set. Such technical access requirements are insidiously becoming an increasingly important part of the African trading landscape. African governments increasingly need therefore to ensure that domestic industry and agriculture have appropriate and affordable access to appropriate technical support infrastructure. The current African approaches to such generally unexpected technical challenges from elsewhere, are mostly reactive donor–driven projects managed as crises. In order to address such issues proactively, a vital first step is the formulation of a mutually supportive set of national, or preferably regional, polices and associated strategies to synergistically address African issues of trade, industrialisation, agriculture and the environment. The prevalent silo approach that exists both within and among African countries in these increasingly interlinking areas unfortunately simply exacerbates an already desperate situation. The predominant focus of NEPAD presently revolves around demonstrating appropriate governance. Rather than continuing to be victims of globalisation, African states working cooperatively through NEPAD have an opportunity to redress their past difficulties. In the area of African Standards, Quality assurance, Accreditation and Metrology (SQAM) capacitation, NEPAD has an important leadership role to play. It could provide a foundation through which solutions in SQAM be cooperatively sought and addressed. Aspects relating to proving compliance to the aforementioned agricultural, industrial and environmental policies need immediate attention. An African, public administration led approach to building SQAM technical capacity would then be possible. Complying with the various and technically challenging regulatory requirements of foreign markets cannot continue be the sole thrust of Africa’s trade facilitation efforts. Implementing foreign technical solutions that make sense in a limited and different context will not deliver large scale benefits for Africa. NEPAD fostered partnerships based on mutually beneficial and optimal solutions are preferable. Such a proposed role for NEPAD includes the creation of sound theoretical public administration underpinning and successful operational facilitation for African public administrators working in concert on mutually beneficial technical SQAM support strategies. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / School of Public Management and Administration (SPMA) / Unrestricted

The focus of this research is the cultural assumptions underpinning Africa’s strategies of economic development, taking the Lagos Plan of Action (LPA) and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) as case studies. It considers the issue whether the neglect of Africa’s cultural beliefs and values in African plans and policies of economic development may not lead to a development impasse. Accordingly, three major objectives are pursued. The first objective is to attempt a critical assessment of the two strategies of economic development, LPA and NEPAD, against the background of theories of economic development that informed them respectively and their cultural assumptions. Using both a theoretical reflection and an empirical approach, I argue that LPA and NEPAD relied on theories of economic development whose cultural foundations are not African. Consequently, although they were designed in Africa, their respective philosophical bases are not African. The second objective is to investigate the relationship between African cultural values and economic development and the extent to which the neglect of the African value system in African policymaking and planning could lead to a development impasse. Based on a theoretical reflection as well as empirical research, I argue that in both LPA and NEPAD, the beliefs and values that structure the African value system have been neglected to the extent of being ignored. The major implication of this neglect is that there is insufficient room for people’s participation in the process of their economic development. Participation makes possible the democratisation and the inculturation of economic development, and thus translates the universal conception of economic development to its local, cultural feasibility. The third objective is to propose certain philosophical premises that could guide development planning in Africa. I revisit the African value system and retrieve the Bantu concept of the human person as umuntu-w’-ubuntu / umuntu-mu-bantu in order to ground the future economic development of Africa on the African foundation. Using Sen’s capability approach which defines development in terms of the ability of people to lead the life they value and have reason to value, human agency and the expansion of capabilities (or real freedoms people enjoy), I suggest four philosophical premises which link African economic development to what Africans believe and value. The first premise consists of the shift from extroversion to the freedom of people to lead the lives they value and have reason to value. This premise deals with the spirit of extroversion which prevents Africans from appreciating their beliefs and values in the process of economic development. It emphasises the fact that development is not a project, but rather a process by which people create and recreate themselves and the conditions by which they can flourish fully. The second premise is the human agency. It deals with the shift from the conception of development as an autonomous process to the conception of development as an agency-based process. It emphasises that the development conceived of as an agency-based process, has as its starting-point and end-point the people. The third premise deals with the shift from the conception of development as an end product to development as an expansion of capability or the real freedoms people enjoy. This premise emphasises three major things. The first is that the expansion of people’s capability is both the end and the means of development. People’s capabilities are not only the primary end of development, they are also its principal means. The second is that development conceived of as the expansion of people’s capability is the concern of both the people and their structural institutions. The third is that the interaction between people and their structural institutions makes it possible to transcend the various dualities often observed in certain development approaches such as the bottom-up and topdown development. The fourth and last premise is the principle of baking the cake together. This premise follows from the fact that the capability approach leads to development as a participatory and inclusive process. It expresses the traditional practice of collaboration in the African community. It emphasises that the three major actors in the development process, namely, the state, the people and the market which tend to exclude each other, are all agents and must work together inclusively to achieve a sustainable economic development. These are the premises suggested to lead future economic development in Africa. Each of these assumptions has implications which are unpacked in the conclusion. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Philosophy / unrestricted

<p>Since the beginning of the new millennium, China has opened itself to the outside world and in an enormous pace increased its contacts and relationships with other countries. The trigger to these dramatic changes of economic and foreign policies is the insight that China can no longer sustain its rapid economic growth, largely based on industrial production, on energy and raw materials from China alone.</p><p>Good relations with African countries have been of highest priority in China’s strategy of “Going global”. The new African policy is based on the two principles of mutual benefit and non-interference in internal affairs – as opposite to the West’s strategy of structural adjustment programmes (SAP), which include massive interference in internal affairs. China’s renewed interest in the African continent has spawned much enthusiasm from African leaders, paving the way for massive contracts of infrastructural construction and official aid as well as grants and loans. There has, however, also been massive protests from the West on the Chinese presence in African countries and on its emerging role as the continents preferred business and development partner. China has been accused of propping up anti-democratic regimes as well as of blunt disregard of the human rights and the environment. Albeit when viewed over time, much of the Western criticism of China’s supposed crimes, and worse, was committed during the colonial era. Behind the accusations lies instead a very real threat to the Western control over Africa’s natural resources, particularly oil and natural gas.</p><p>Because of the Chinese presence and activities in 48 of 54 African countries and the strikingly prosperous sino-african relations, the West has been forced to reconsider its aid and development policies to be able to compete with China. This has created a unique situation for African countries where two opponents compete in offering advantageous development and aid packages in exchange for extraction contracts on various natural resources. As a result of what could rightfully be called a new scramble for Africa’s resources, African countries now have the opportunity to play the contending China and West against each other in an attempt to benefit from the best possible offer. The dangers of this game should however, not be disregarded.</p>

Since the beginning of the new millennium, China has opened itself to the outside world and in an enormous pace increased its contacts and relationships with other countries. The trigger to these dramatic changes of economic and foreign policies is the insight that China can no longer sustain its rapid economic growth, largely based on industrial production, on energy and raw materials from China alone. Good relations with African countries have been of highest priority in China’s strategy of “Going global”. The new African policy is based on the two principles of mutual benefit and non-interference in internal affairs – as opposite to the West’s strategy of structural adjustment programmes (SAP), which include massive interference in internal affairs. China’s renewed interest in the African continent has spawned much enthusiasm from African leaders, paving the way for massive contracts of infrastructural construction and official aid as well as grants and loans. There has, however, also been massive protests from the West on the Chinese presence in African countries and on its emerging role as the continents preferred business and development partner. China has been accused of propping up anti-democratic regimes as well as of blunt disregard of the human rights and the environment. Albeit when viewed over time, much of the Western criticism of China’s supposed crimes, and worse, was committed during the colonial era. Behind the accusations lies instead a very real threat to the Western control over Africa’s natural resources, particularly oil and natural gas. Because of the Chinese presence and activities in 48 of 54 African countries and the strikingly prosperous sino-african relations, the West has been forced to reconsider its aid and development policies to be able to compete with China. This has created a unique situation for African countries where two opponents compete in offering advantageous development and aid packages in exchange for extraction contracts on various natural resources. As a result of what could rightfully be called a new scramble for Africa’s resources, African countries now have the opportunity to play the contending China and West against each other in an attempt to benefit from the best possible offer. The dangers of this game should however, not be disregarded.

L'ensemble des pays d'Afrique s'accorde sur le fait que le développement humain est une aspiration fondamentale des peuples de la région et des gouvernements qui les représentent. Ainsi ont-ils tous adopté la Déclaration du Millénaire. Cependant les avancées d'une manière générale ont été en deçà des attentes. Entre 1990 et 2000, les pays africains n'ont atteint en moyenne que 10% des objectifs du Millénaire, au lieu des 40% nécessaires pour être sur la bonne voie. L'analyse globale du suivi des OMD montre que 4 pays ont atteint un certain nombre de cibles spécifiques et que plus d'un tiers des pays de la sous-région pourrait atteindre les principaux objectifs notamment dans les domaines de scolarisation, de la nutrition, et de l'accès à l'eau potable. Les autres pays par contre pourraient connaître de réelles difficultés à relever les défis sans un soutien effectif et durable de la communauté internationale. Malgré le bilan mitigé des accords de partenariats, de nombreux spécialistes estiment que l'atteinte des OMD en Afrique ne peut s'envisager sans des partenariats internationaux. D'où la nécessité de conserver le sens du réalisme c'est-à-dire de solliciter le concours financier, technologique et intellectuel que peuvent apporter les pays industrialisés, en particulier ceux de l'Union Européenne et des États-Unis d'Amérique, et déplacer la charge de la mise en œuvre du développement durable des États vers les citoyens et ce au travers la consécration des partenariats «publics-privés» et « États/Sociétés civiles». / All African countries agree that human development is a fundamental aspiration of the peoples of the region and the governments that represent them. So they all adopted the Millennium Declaration. However, overall progress has been below expectations. Between 1990 and 2000, African countries averaged only 10 per cent of the Millennium Development Goals, instead of the 40 per cent required to be on the right track. The global analysis of MDG monitoring shows that 4 countries have reached a number of specific targets and that more than one third of the countries of the subregion could reach the main objectives, particularly in the areas of schooling, nutrition, and access to clean water. Other countries, on the other hand, could face real difficulties in meeting the challenges without effective and lasting support from the international community. Despite the mixed record of partnership agreements, many experts believe that achieving the MDGs in Africa cannot be achieved without international partnerships. Hence the need to maintain the sense of realism that is to ask for the financial, technological and intellectual assistance that can bring the industrialized countries, especially those of the European Union and the United States of America , and to shift the burden of implementing the sustainable development of states towards the citizens through the dedication of "public-private" partnerships and "states / civil societies".

Magister Public Health - MPH / This secondary data study, framed in social constructionism theory, descibes and analyses the "pull" factors influencing migration of health professionals developing to developed countries. The literature review sets the context withing which international migration takes place and explores relevant aspects of the G8, globalisation, and the General Agreement on Trade in Services. The research demonstrates that temporary or permanent international migration occurs for employment or study purposes. It further confirms that, despite the lack of accurate data from African counties, the number of health professionals leaving the continent has increased significantly during the 1990's. / South Africa

Africa is facing many challenges which range from underdevelopment to high poverty levels. Although Africa is richly endowed with natural resources, the continent continues to be a source of raw material for the North. This state of affairs cannot be allowed to continue indefinitely. The high level of debt owed to multilateral organisations compounds the challenge by limiting investment inflows. Through the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), the African Union (AU) has the potential to stimulate growth and development on the continent in pursuit of the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Undoubtedly, the African Union’s NEPAD faces many challenges itself. The benefits of the multilateral trade regime will only become freely available if factors such as the negative multiplier effects associated with the accomplishment of the ideal of African integration and market access, could be mitigated. The success of NEPAD is not a given for Africa and necessitates visionary leadership. It has to be earned and as a matter of course will involve some sacrifices. Africa will have to mobilise intra-continental investment to leverage Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). The point of departure of this research study is that the NEPAD initiative is an African programme which must be led by Africans themselves, especially the intelligentsia. The Africans in the diaspora also constitute a valuable source of capacity to implement NEPAD. NEPAD promotes the participation of Africa in global affairs in pursuit of the African Renaissance. It is imperative that the architects of NEPAD listen to the concerns being raised by its opponents and continuously engage the Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) and the intended beneficiary society. It should be noted that the private sector can partner with governments in supporting the objectives of NEPAD. There is a need to harmonise policies of different AU member states to give effect to regional cooperation and integration. Regional integration can enhance the mobilisation of resources through economies of scale that will position Africa to penetrate global markets and to attract direct foreign investment. Globalisation itself should not be viewed as a threat, but as presenting new economic challenges and potential opportunities for regional integration. It is time that the Africans their own agenda within Africa. Africans must rise jointly to this occasion and emancipate themselves from dependence associated with underdevelopment and poverty. Africa has the potential and the capacity to succeed through the effective implementation of NEPAD. The time for Africa is now. / Thesis (PhD (Public Affairs))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / School of Public Management and Administration (SPMA) / unrestricted

The point of departure of this dissertation is that notwithstanding the controversy about the right to development (RTD), the African human rights system expressly recognises it as a human right of a collective nature. The content of this right is a bundle of rights (civil and political as well as economic, social and cultural) which should be understood in their interdependency and interconnectedness. In addition, the RTD is a claim for a global justice characterized by a fair and equitable redistribution of the world’s resources. The purpose of this dissertation is to critically investigate the extent to which the RTD can be realised under the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). NEPAD is the economic and development arm of the African Union which is compelled by its human rights mandate to ‘promote and protect human and peoples’ rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights including the RTD. The dissertation looks at how NEPAD could be used to realise the RTD in Africa. After clarifying the theoretical and contextual links between NEPAD and the RTD, explaining the concepts pertaining to RTD, its nature and after locating its existence in the African human rights system, the dissertation examines the prospects for the realisation of this right through NEPAD. In doing so, it analyses NEPAD from a human rights perspective. It then goes on to look at the extent to which NEPAD’s programmes on vulnerable groups and participation, are integrated into national development policies in Africa through case studies of Cameroon and South Africa. The dissertation also examines whether the new global partnership as prescribed by NEPAD is conducive to the realisation of the RTD. The basic conclusion is that although NEPAD’s plan to foster the provision of goods and services is not defined in terms of legal entitlements, with legal mechanisms to claim such entitlements, NEPAD’s objectives and purposes are to improve human welfare, which is also the objective of the RTD. However, to enhance the prospects for the achievement of the RTD in Africa, NEPAD should establish and strengthen mechanisms for a full domestication and ownership of its plans and standards in African states. It should also strengthen the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) institutions at both continental and national levels. Further, it should involve the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which has expertise in human rights, in its APRM. At the global level, among others, NEPAD should not only strive to be economically self-reliant, but its member states should speak with ‘one voice’ and present the African Union/NEPAD’s position at international fora and consistently ensure that Africa’s development contracts and agreements are informed by international human rights standards. / Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

For many decades, regionalism was considered a potential solution to the different crises faced by the African continent. So-called old regionalism, as implemented between the 1960s and late 1980s, yielded limited success in addressing the multidimensional challenges on the continent, resulting in a re-evaluation of Africa’s approach to continental cooperation and integration, with a view to continental development. With new trends emerging in international relations following the end of the Cold War, new regionalism was introduced as an innovative way to deal with relations between regional partners. With the launch of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), Africa officially declared its endorsement of new regionalism. This study assesses the potential of NEPAD to deal with the numerous developmental challenges facing Africa. It explores how new regionalism could contribute to the resolution of a range of crises and challenges on the continent. The study focuses on Africa’s past regionalist experience, the role of new regionalism in addressing Africa’s trade and investment dilemma, as well as its role in promoting good governance and peace in Africa. The study concludes that notwithstanding the positive contribution of new regionalism, especially through its multidimensional approach, NEPAD will face tremendous challenges, mostly due to the failure of new regionalism in acknowledging the influence of other operational contexts – international and domestic – on the success of regionalist ventures. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Political Sciences / unrestricted