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Corporate Social Responsibility, företagets sociala ansvarstagande, har de senaste åren uppmärksammats mer och mer. Medierna och intresseorganisationer har fått allmänheten intresserad av dessa frågor och trycket på att företag ska ta sitt sociala ansvar har ökat. Det sociala ansvaret ska genomsyra företagens hela organisation och sträcker därför sig även till leverantörer. Att kontrollera att leverantörer arbetar på ett etiskt korrekt sätt är inte alltid helt enkelt då geografiska avstånd försvårar kontrollen. Vi har för avsikt att undersöka hur mindre textilföretag kontrollerar sina leverantörer i u-länder med avseende på CSR. Vi vill ta reda på om relationens karaktär har betydelse för kontrollen och jämföra ifall små och stora företag arbetar på olika sätt. Vi har kommit fram till att små och stora företag arbetar olika med kontroll av leverantörer. Små företag utövar ingen direkt kontroll utan förlitar sig på nära relationer som bygger på ömsesidighet och förtroende. De större företagen har ett större behov av att utöva kontroll då de har ett större antal leverantörer och inte kan ha tillräckligt nära relationer för att kunna förlita sig på ömsesidigt förtroende. Istället har företagen infört uppförandekoder och standards samt tagit hjälp av en tredje part i kontrollarbetet. Olika typer av relationer har därmed betydelse för hur kontrollarbetet ser ut.

Being ethical and sustainable is a fate in doing business, since unsustainable business practicedamages the environment, and causes lack of resources currently and in the future whichdiscontinue economic development. The purpose of this study is to understand and analyzethe influence of stakeholder dialogue in the new governance integrated in CG & CSR forunsustainable business such as oil and gas industry particularly in BP Company, as well ashow and why the notion “new governance” including self and meta-regulation affects on BPCompany to perform ethical business. This study based on the case study methodologywhereby the theoretical framework of secondary data of CG, CSR and the new governancefound in journal articles, relevant textbooks, NGO reports and the information found on BP’swebsite were employed. Furthermore, the main findings of this study is that there is asignificant variation in BP’s CSR adoption regarding the TBL of CSR in which socialresponsibility performance found the worst performance among the TPL of CSR since thecompany selects where to demonstrate great interest on social responsibility and where toignore. Consequently, BP’s self-regulation is ineffective which signifies lack of transparencyand accountability. More importantly, meta-regulation is very effective in keeping BP ontrack in the face of wrong doing. The study conclude that BP’s non-financial reporting needto move beyond the traditional reporting on company’s policies, philanthropic actions, andCSR successes and give priority to risks and incidents considering the seriousness andimpacts. More importantly, BP needs new standards of transparency and effectivemanagement system to ensure good CSR performance. The study assures that for as long asBP’s operations touch the daily life of people and other organisms in our planet it mustprioritize the interest of its stakeholders via continual dialogue since it is one of thefundamental principles of corporate citizenship.

Problem Statement. Anyone trying to analyze the dimensions of the impact of non-governmental organizations on democracy in the Baltic States comparatively faces a double dilemma: on the one hand, dimensions should be conceptualized and integrated into a range of theories and, on the other hand, the characteristics of the system in these countries both referring to historical reality and theoretical exceptions have to be taken into sufficient considerations. The latter constructs the following problem statement – the impact of non-governmental organizations on democracy can be regarded from approach of social sciences as a comprehensive interconnection, on which could be based theoretical outputs and which can be analyzed empirically applying qualitative and quantitative measures and meta-analysis. The problem statement has been used to guide the thesis by principle research questions: 1. What are the chances of support of non-governmental organizations to democracy?; 2. Which are the factors contributing most to the development of democracy in the Baltic States referring to the role of non-governmental organizations, and what are the differences among the countries? 3. What is the quality of the impact of relations between non-governmental organizations and democracy in the Baltic States, and what are the differences among the countries? The answers to these questions are definitely neither simple nor straight forward. They depend on the method of analysis and also on the... [to full text] / Temos aktualumas Demokratijos plėtros sąlygomis Rytų ir Centrinėje Europoje vienu svarbiausiu tyrimo objektu žlugus Sovietų Sąjungai tampa demokratija. Skirtingų šalių mokslininkai atlieka lyginamuosius tyrimus, remdamiesi gausiais statistikos duomenimis ir originalių tyrimų rezultatais, ir taip formuluoja išvadas, pabrėždami efektyvios demokratijos plėtros galimybes. Tačiau daugiausia tyrimų apima Lenkiją, Čekiją, Slovakiją, Vengrijos Respubliką ar net Rusijos Federaciją, bet maža jų dalis yra siejama su Baltijos šalimis. Pažymėtina ir tai, kad nėra pakankamai analizuojamos demokratijos ir pilietinės visuomenės sąsajos bei nevyriausybinių organizacijų, kaip pilietinės visuomenės elemento, įtakos demokratijai identifikavimo dimensijos. Skirtingų šalių mokslininkai (A. Uhlin, T. Vanhanen, L. Diamond, D. Held, R. Dahl ir kiti) teigia, kad svarbiausia demokratijos prielaida yra pilietinės visuomenės gebėjimas mobilizuotis. Pabrėžiama, kad nėra taip svarbu užtikrinti, kad kiekvienas pilietis aktyviai dalyvautų politiniame procese, tačiau kiekvienas turi turėti tokią galimybę (A. Uhlin, 2004). Praktinėje veikloje pastebima, kad pilietinei visuomenei siekiant dalyvauti politinėje, socialinėje, ekonominėje ar kultūrinėje arenoje būtina pasitelkti nevyriausybines organizacijas, kurių veikla padeda įgyvendinti pilietinės visuomenės idėjas, tačiau šioje disertacijoje nagrinėjama ne nevyriausybinių organizacijų veikla, o tik jų sąsajos su demokratija. Vis dėlto nepaisant gana gausių... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

This thesis is exploring interactions of Japanese NGOs to be influential in official foreign aid from outside of the exclusive Japanese decision-making process. Three case studies have been undertaken to examine how Japanese NGOs have developed or adopted various means to exert influence on the government. Japanese NGOs have emerged as powerful actors in foreign aid under a policy of "Kao no Mieru Enjyo (visible Japanese aid)" in the 1990s following some domestic incidents and an international trend in development. However, the Japanese government has maintained a hostile attitude toward NGOs despite its official claim of regarding NGOs as 'partners'. The government's awkward reaction to NGOs comes from Japan's traditional idea of extreme respect for the government and looking down on citizenry. This traditional political culture of "Kan Son Min Pi (supremacy of bureaucracy)" has dominated Japan and that has made the government hostile to powerful outsiders such as NGOs, which may threaten their supremacy. The exclusive decision-making system, "the Iron Triangle", has also contributed to distance NGOs from the government. By this means, an atmosphere between NGOs and the government in Japan has been far from 'partnership'. Against this hostile environment, Japanese NGOs have developed and adopted interactions to exert influence. Various means have been used by each NGO in accordance with each speciality and operation field. The thesis has focused on three areas of Japan's foreign aid - development, anti-personnel landmines and environment - and undertaken three case studies. Four NGOs have been analysed - Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC), Japanese Campaign to Ban Landmines (JCBL), Greenpeace Japan and Friends of the Earth (FoE) Japan. Some NGOs have developed their own interactions and others have been adopted from international partners and authorities. On a whole, they have all crafted these interactions to suit the Japanese political culture. Among several interactions, building international networks and personal relationships with powerful individuals such as politicians have appeared to be most useful. These two interactions work effectively on Japan's reactive and highly personalised aspects of politics, which is reactive to external pressure (Gai-atsu) and rely heavily on the personality and ability of individual leaders. The case studies reveal that Japanese NGOs have exerted influence effectively by making use of these valuable interactions. However, Japanese NGOs are at a crossroad because of high turn-over of staff and a focus-shifting in Japan's foreign policy to sending Self-Defence Forces (SDF) overseas. NGOs also need to obtain solid financial source which is getting difficult after a downturn in the Japanese economy. These will be the issues that Japanese NGOs need to tackle soon in order to be true 'partner'.

Recent developments in international relations have seen dramatic increases in the number and activities of human rights non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This has inspired research that seeks to explain processes of human rights socialisation, particularly in crisis zones. In this context, NGO advocacy is often welcomed as being inherently beneficial for adherence to human rights principles. Such a position, however, fails to account for the critiques offered by theorists who suggest that the wielding of any power to affect change can have negative as well as positive outcomes, and the critiques of realist international relations theorists who assert the dangers of unqualified promotion of normative concerns in the face of power interests. In this context, this thesis offers a critical evaluation of the contributions of NGO advocacy in human rights socialisation. Two models of human rights socialisation – the spiral and boomerang models – are utilised in examining human rights advocacy in West Papua, a province of Indonesia. The West Papuan case study indicates that detrimental outcomes can result from the failure of human rights advocates to account for political interests and state sovereignty in their strategies of human rights promotion. Human rights campaigns framed in terms of people’s rights to physical security and subsistence, instead of more political rights, such as the right to selfdetermination, are likely to be more positive for human rights adherence. This points to the desirability of a hierarchy of rights principles in human rights advocacy and suggests, for the socialisation models used, a need for clearer distinctions between the human rights principles prescribed for advocacy.

The concept of global citizenship has permeated the Canadian institutional landscape in recent years. Global citizenship is presented in contested and complex ways by academics, yet non-governmental organizations present it as a well understood, inherently positive, and unproblematic concept. The purpose of this study is to explore and contextualize the concept of “engaged global citizens” within youth-focused international development programs. Through a case study analysis of the World University Service of Canada’s International Seminar program, I examine Canadian post-secondary students’ understanding of global citizenship and explore the multiplicity of factors affecting their engagement. This study relies primarily on longitudinal interview data collected with a small sample of participants over a period of five months and a point-in time interview phase conducted with a larger number of participants while they were taking part in the International Seminar in West Africa.

The thesis explores the changing relations between the Zimbabwean state and local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) after independence. It focuses on debates over the role of NGOs in democratization in developing countries, using Zimbabwe as an example. The thesis argues that the study of democratization is best accomplished through detailed empirical case studies, relying on historical narratives and participant-observation research. Such research reinforces our understanding of democratization as a complex and dynamic process. The thesis proposes a framework for understanding state and society relations in Zimbabwe, emphasizing the ruling party’s use of coercive and consent-generating mechanisms to establish hegemony over the new nation. It examines the changing relationship between NGOs and the state after independence, when the ruling party’s efforts to include most groups within its nationalist coalition extend to NGOs. Case studies of NGO coalitions show how activist NGOs fail to mobilize others owing to the unwillingness of many NGOs to challenge the ruling party’s control over policy-making. The establishment of the National Constitutional Assembly by some NGOs, churches and trade unionists set the stage for an increasingly tense engagement between NGOs and the state after 1997. The constitutional debate opened up the public sphere in new ways. As the ruling party attempted to retain control over the political sphere and the constitutional debate, NGO politics became increasingly polarized. The emergence of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, and the prominence of NGO activists within its leadership, led to further conflict. After losing the February 2000 constitutional referendum, the regime sanctioned violent attacks on white farmers, businesspeople, and NGOs. While the ruling party attempted to shore up its support through nationalist rhetoric and financial incentives, groups perceived to oppose the state were excluded and vilified.

ABSTRACT THE NGOs AS POLICY ACTORS: THE CASE OF T&Uuml / SiAD WITH REGARD TO TURKEY&rsquo / S EU MEMBERSHIP G&Uuml / NDEM, Sebnem Master of Science, Department of European Studies Supervisor: Associate Prof. Dr. ihsan Dagi January 2004, 130 pages This study explores the effectiveness of NGOs within the policy process and governments&rsquo / decisions based on the case of T&Uuml / SiAD&rsquo / s activities with regard to Turkey&rsquo / s full membership process in the European Union. It firstly explains the process by which NGOs&rsquo / have become &ldquo / actors&rdquo / in world politics. The thesis, then, scrutinizes the role of NGOs in the policy process with regard to pluralist and corporatist paradigms and the concept of power since policy process can not be well understood without this theoretical background. After examining the roles of NGOs, especially the lobbying one, the importance of NGOs and strength of civil society for Turkey&rsquo / s integration to the European

Organizational development is a central purpose of evaluation. Disasters and other emergency situations carry with them significant implications for evaluation, given that they are often unanticipated and involve multiple relief efforts on the part of INGOs, governments and international organizations. Two particularly common reasons for INGOs to evaluate disaster relief efforts are 1) accountability to donors and 2) desire to enhance the organization s response capacity. This thesis endeavors briefly to review the state of the evaluation field for disaster relief so as to reflect on how it needs to go forward. The conclusion is that evaluation of disaster relief efforts is alive and well. Though evaluation for accountability seems fairly straightforward, determining just how the evaluation influences the organization and beyond is not. Evaluation use has long been a central thread of discussion in evaluation theory, with the richer idea of evaluation influence only recently taking the stage. Evaluation influence takes the notion of evaluation use a few steps further by offering more complex, subtle, and sometimes unintentional ways that an evaluation might positively better a situation. This study contributes to the very few empirical studies of evaluation influence by looking at one organization in depth and concluding that evaluation does influence in useful ways.