It is attempted with this dissertation to draw an explanatory interdisciplinary framework to clarify the causes of systemic corruption. Following an intense review of political sciences, economics, and sociology literatures on the issue, a complex systems theoretical model is constructed. A political system consists of five main components: Society, interest aggregators, legislative, executive and private sector, and the human actors in these domains. It is hypothesized that when the legitimacy level of the system is low and morality of the systemic actors is flawed, selected political, social and economic incentives and opportunities that may exist within the structure of the systemic components might -individually or as a group- trigger corrupt transactions between the actors of the system. If left untouched, corruption might spread through the system by repetition and social learning eventually becoming the source of corruption itself. By eroding the already weak legitimacy and morality, it may increase the risk of corruption even further. This theoretical explanation is used to study causes of systemic corruption in the Turkish political system. Under the guidance of the complex systems theory, initial systemic conditions, -legacy of the predecessor of Turkey Ottoman Empire-, is evaluated first, and then political, social and economic factors that are presumed to be breeding corruption in contemporary Turkey is investigated. In this section, special focus is given on the formation and operation of amoral social networks and their contribution to the entrenchment of corruption within the system. Based upon the findings of the case study, the theoretical model that is informed by the literature is reformed: Thirty five system and actor level variables are identified to be related with systemic corruption and nature of the causality between them and corruption is explained. Although results of this study can not be academically generalized for obvious reasons; the analytical framework proposed here can be referenced by policy makers who are willing to trace the roots of systemic corruption in developing countries.

O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar a função política exercida pelo Ministério da Saúde (MS) na política de Cooperação Técnica entre Países em Desenvolvimento (CTPD), empreendida com o Haiti durante o governo do ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). Para isso, propõe a construção de uma análise transversal que engloba os estudos sobre as burocracias, oriundos da Ciência Política, e as recentes pesquisas sobre o crescente engajamento dos ministérios para a consecução da agenda política de Cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS), pertencentes à Análise de Política Externa (APE), do campo das Relações Internacionais. Neste sentido, a pesquisa lança mão do estudo de caso do Projeto Sul-Sul de Fortalecimento da Autoridade Sanitária do Haiti PRODOC- BRA/10/2005, assinado em 29 de novembro de 2010, a fim de verificar a maneira pela qual, a estrutura institucional do MS desempenhou simultaneamente as funções de formulação e implementação da referida política. / The aim of this dissertation is to analyze the political function exercised by the Ministry of Health on the Technical Cooperation policy between Developing Countries undertaken with Haiti during the government of former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). For such purpose, it is proposed to build a cross-sectional analysis that includes studies of bureaucracies arising from Political Science and recent researches on the increasing engagement of the ministries to achieve South-South Cooperation political agenda belonging pertaining to the Foreign Policy Analysis of the International Relations field. In this regard, the research makes use of the case study of South-South Project of Haiti Sanitary Authority Strengthening - PRODOC- BRA / 10/2005, signed on November 29, 2010, in order to verify the way in which the Ministry of Health institutional structure simultaneously played both formulation and implementation functions of said policy.

As the world’s second economy, China has been developing at breath taking pace over the last 30 years. City development planner are blindly seeking to be big, for example, a small city should become middle size city, a middle size city should become a big city, a big city should become a metropolitan city, and a metropolitan city should become an international mega city. City municipalities seek higher GDP year by year. City mayors will do whatever as long as they could make the most profit and build their city’s profile. Today, real estate is the highest profit industry in China. In order to bring in more financial support, urban planning is done in favor of those with power and capital instead of consideration of equality and fairness. There are increasing conflicts for the different classes of people in the city because the social gaps between the classes are growing.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / There are often noted gaps and tensions arise between official government policies and what is implemented on the ground. The two theories that consistently argue antagonistically about the policy processes are the rational bureaucratic model also called the "top-down approach" as opposed to the incremental or bottom-up approach. This research was inspired by a bottom-up perspective and involves a detailed investigation of Lipsky's street level bureaucracy (SLB) theory. Over the years since Lipsky's research much international work has be done on the subject of discretion among policy implementers but in the South the focus has been more on top-down ideas such as increasing state capacity and monitoring workers and not on the Lipsky problematic. Hence, this study specifically focuses on studying the extent, intentions and uses of discretion. Intentions are look e at in a threefold manner: good, bad and conflicting, among nurses as SLBs in a public hospital in Cape Town, in view of the t wo conflicting approaches to policy implementation. I found that the discretion practices among nurses do 'more good than harm' as opposed to the view held by the top down approach. The study further revealed that discretion is also often conflicted or ambivalent. Moreover, it is often based on tacit collective understandings and practices among groups of nurses. This is one element that needs to be explored further in future studies in order to contribute to the body of knowledge. Notably, there appears to be a gap in South African literature on this vital subject area. 111

To analyse the war in Afghanistan from different theories is nothing new to the studies of international relations. However, one aspect that yet has been studied regarding the Afghan war is the withdrawal of troops and civilian personnel and why it occurred in August 2021 and not earlier or later. This lack of knowledge creates a research gap which needs to be filled to explain why President Biden went through with the withdrawal, even though the president knew that the Taliban would seize power in Afghanistan. This thesis will therefore explain the Biden administration's decision to continue the military and civilian withdrawal from Afghanistan even though the threat of Taliban takeover was imminent. The method chosen for this thesis is a qualitative content analysis which will be used to analyse the material with the help of leadership trait analysis and the bureaucratic politics model theories. The material which was used war press statements, speeches, and committee hearings. As the analysis shows, the decision to withdraw was a compromise between actors which was possible due to Joe Bidens openness to information. In summary, this thesis offers one explanation to why the U.S. withdrew from Afghanistan.

Policy makers have long recognized the importance of considering past experience, history, and the use of Analogical reasoning when making policy decisions. When elite political actors face foreign policy crises, they often use their past experience, refer to history, and use Analogical reasoning to help them frame their decisions. In the case of the ill-fated invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs, the use of Analogical reasoning revolving around past covert successes may have created an environment for faulty foreign policy decision-making. Former members of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) filled the ranks of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and held key positions within the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations. OSS success with guerrilla warfare, sabotage, and intelligence gathering during World War II, coupled with early CIA covert successes (specifically in Guatemala), may have led President Kennedy to make the wrong policy decisions with regard to dealing with Fidel Castro and Cuba. This research explores the use of Analogical reasoning during the decision-making process by way of process-tracing. Process-tracing attempts to identify the intervening processes between an independent variable (or variables) and the outcome of the dependent variable. We look at six critical junctures and compare how Groupthink, the Bureaucratic Politics Model, and Analogical reasoning approaches help explain any causal mechanisms. The findings suggest that Analogical reasoning may have played a more significant role in President Kennedy's final decision to invade Cuba than previously thought. The findings further suggest that by using the Analogical reasoning approach, our understanding of President Kennedy's foreign policy in Cuba is enhanced when compared to the Groupthink and Bureaucratic Politics Model approaches emphasized in past research.

Ideas matter. Thus, approaching peacebuilding efforts from an ideational perspective can contribute to a deeper understanding of their meanings and legacies. Traditionally, the liberal peace paradigm has been prevalent in peacebuilding, translating into programs, projects, actions, and agreements that model liberal norms, values, and practices. Among these sets of ideas, it is possible to identify beliefs about New Public Management (NPM), which affect how instruments like peace agreements are designed and codified. However, this relationship has not been thoroughly explored in the peacebuilding and public management literature, although both strive to achieve efficient and effective governance and peace. In response to this gap, this thesis examines, through text analysis, the degree to which the normative and bureaucratic legacies of NPM are present in the design of a comprehensive peace agreement. This required the selection of an empirical case that could deepen the understanding of what kind of public management NPM ideas are embedded and to what extent, hence the selection of the Colombian Peace Agreement, an example of the golden standard in comprehensive arrangements. The study systematically reviewed and codified the text of the agreement –578 provisions or stipulations– based on the presence and specificity of NPM-related doc-trines. The findings show the pervasiveness of bureaucratic legacies associated with strategic planning, performance audit of provisions, decentralisation, and the appointment of managers and high-level bodies to administer the implementation. However, ideas associated with financial control, competition and flexibilization of the public sector, were less relevant. The analysis also identified other ideas, which expand on the civilian input in the main bureaucratic doctrines. Thus, it provides a new insight to understanding peace in bureaucratic terms as the strategic expansion of institutional infrastructure with strong oversight mechanisms within peace agreements. This calls for a more careful review of the bureaucratic legacies and understandings present in peacebuilding efforts and how they could relate to other sets of ideas already reviewed in the literature, which could lead to further research shaping our understanding of peace through time and across contexts.

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Who is the American bureaucracy's master in national government? At least three different sets of answers have been proposed. The first answer claims a single master of American bureaucracy, be it the president, Congress, or the courts. The second denies that there is any master over the bureaucracy and claims the existence of bureaucratic autonomy. In the middle of the two theories, there lies multiple masters theory. This dissertation attempts to advocate multiple masters theory by answering such questions as "Is the conception of multiple masters only theoretically conceivable, or is it historically supported?" or "Does the historical record suggest that multiple masters scheme was seriously in play in actual American constitutional dialogue?" To be a master, one should have at least one of the following powers - budget, personnel, information, and regulatory review. This dissertation focuses on one of them - the appointing power. To look at it historically, this dissertation chose four distinct periods of American history. They are the founding era, Jacksonian era, Republican era, and the Carter Administration. These eras were related to the four important civil service reform acts: the two Tenure of Office Acts of 1820 and 1867, Pendleton Act of 1883, and the CSRA of 1978. Congressional debates recorded in Congressional Record were analyzed to find evidences supporting multiple masters perspective. There were evidences that support the significant existence and role of the multiple masters perspective in all the four eras analyzed. Although weakened in the 1978 debate, the multiple masters theory was supported in important congressional debates by leading politicians of the day, providing historical foundation for the theory. The multiple masters perspective provides a need to construct a normative foundation for bureaucrats to adopt, because bureaucrats, in many cases, cannot avoid making decisions on which master to choose and which to ignore at a given time on a given issue. Under the multiple masters scheme, bureaucrats may have to play the role of balance wheel in the constitutional order, using their statutory powers and professional expertise to favor whichever constitutional masters need their help to preserve the purpose of the Constitution itself. / Ph. D.