This study aims to examine how the emergence of modern warfare are challenging International Humanitarian Law when it comes to the protection of civilians in armed conflict. Thereby gaining a better understanding of how modern warfare is putting civilians at risk and how International Humanitarian Law is being challenged by the development of warfare. This study is a multidisciplinary study of Peace and Conflict Studies and International Law, which gives a rare perspective on civilian’s position in modern warfare. Thereby this study is not only showing the legal challenges in armed conflict but also bringing in the perspective of civilian’s position in modern warfare. This study will make use of three case studies: urban warfare, non-state actors and the use of drones in armed conflict. This study concludes that the challenges which International Humanitarian Law meets in modern warfare, is related to the need of clarifications but also a need for a greater enforcement and respect of the law by all parties of the conflict, both state and non-state actors. Lastly, there is a need for strengthening the inclusion of non-state actors in international law and strengthen International Humanitarian Law to meet the challenges of modern warfare to protect the civilians.

「第三方介入」協助談判僵局之解決，是學界普遍認為可行且具實質效益的方法。中國與西藏流亡政府間，不乏第三方介入的身影，甚至以實際行動促成了九次正式的談判，惟持續的接觸與對話，非但未能建立中藏間彼此的信任和尊重，反使雙邊關係更為惡化。 本研究將1950年代達賴流亡印度後至今，劃分為四個時期，彙整各階段之國際政經情勢、中藏對外政策，及第三方涉藏行動，觀察三者間相互的關連性，深入了解國際介入西藏問題的背景，進而以此作為分析回顧「2002-2010年中藏九次談判」的基礎。探討中國政府和西藏流亡政府之談判訴求、各國相關回應，檢視第三方立場與策略行為，對中藏關係所產生的影響和轉變，從而了解國家行為者居中所扮演之角色，與中藏談判深陷僵局的原因。 / “Third-party Intervention” is generally considered a feasible and beneficial strategy for resolving negotiation deadlock. It has been used in the dilemma of China and Tibetan government-in-exile. There have been nine formal negotiations between both parties urged by the third party. However, instead of help establishing trust and respect between China and Tibet, the negotiations have led to a deterioration of bilateral relations. This study divides the period of Dalai Lama’s exile in India (1950~2010) into four stages. It summarizes international political and economic situations, foreign policy of China and Tibet government and the involvement of the third parties at different stages. It also observes the interrelations of the above three factors and investigates the background of international involvement of China-Tibet issues. These observations are used as background information to analyze and review the nine times of negotiations between China and Tibet, to probe into the demands of China and Tibetan governments and the international response, to review the third parties’ position and strategies to urge the negotiations and to understand the influence and change of China-Tibet relations. The purpose of the study is to understand the role of state actors as mediator and the reasons of the negotiation deadlock between China and Tibet.

This paper attempts to determine the theoretical requirements for a non-state actor to give peacekeepers to a Member state of the United Nations, who would in turn give those peacekeepers to the United Nations. The paper examines two case studies, specifically the contract between Blackwater and the United States Department of State and the SHIRBRIG series of treaties. The paper finds that there is some overlap between a Member state’s needs and a non-state actor’s needs and that there is a theoretical possibility of the donation stated above taking place.

The "unwilling or unable" doctrine and the right of self-defence against non- state actors ABSTRACT For several decades, the fight against international terrorism has been a major challenge for the entire international community. States try to fight these non-state actors in various ways. One of them is trying to neutralize a non-state actor in the territory of the state in which this actor has settled and from which he is preparing and coordinating his attacks. States often invoke the right to self-defense in the case of such actions, stating that the state in whose territory the non-state entity is located is unable or unwilling to deal with it on its own. This paper is devoted to the right to self-defense against non-state actors and the emerging doctrine of "unwilling or unable". The paper is divided into an introduction, four main chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter is devoted generally to the prohibition of the use of force and the threat of force. The second chapter deals with the right to self-defense. First, attention is paid to the right to self-defense in general, where an armed attack is discussed in more detail. Subsequently, a restrictive and extensive approach to the right to self-defense is presented. Attention is then paid more to the preemptive and preventive self-defense and the...

The intentional killing of civilians by rebel groups is an often observed phenomenon in civil wars. An aspect of civil war that may influence this phenomenon is support by foreign actors to rebel groups. This thesis aims to answer the research question of how external support to rebel groups affects violence against civilians. The theoretical framework used to answer the research question will be built upon two conflicting logics in the current literature. Based on this framework, I argue that the key to explaining how external support affects violence against civilians, lies in the heterogeneity of support and that the various support types can be indexed into two categories, leading to two hypotheses: 1) external support that allows rebels to focus on governance will result in lower levels of rebel one-sided violence, and 2) external support to rebel groups that creates independency from the civilian population results in higher levels of rebel one-sided violence. To test the hypotheses, this thesis uses a quantitative research method and NBRMs using UCDP datasets. The results show that while some types of support align with the expected outcomes, others yield unexpected results, underscoring the importance of considering the varied effects of external support.

La criminalisation de l’agression et l’établissement de la compétence de la Cour pénale internationale sur ce crime obligent à donner une définition de ce crime, de même qu’à déterminer les conditions dans lesquelles la Cour exercera sa compétence sur ce crime. Cette tâche n’est cependant pas aisée en raison de la « nature particulière » du crime d’agression. Le problème majeur qui se pose est celui de la difficulté à définir et à encadrer le crime d’agression tout en respectant les règles cardinales du droit international pénal d’un côté et les exigences du droit de la Charte ou du droit international du maintien de la paix de l’autre côté.En raison de la nature juridique de l’agression et plus précisément du positionnement atypique qui caractérise le crime d’agression, crime à la croisée du droit international du maintien de la paix et du droit international pénal, sans oublier le fait que ce crime vise exclusivement les personnes « effectivement en mesure de contrôler ou de diriger l’action politique ou militaire d’un État », le régime juridique du crime d’agression va être assez particulier, ceci en comparaison de celui des autres crimes internationaux contenus dans le Statut de Rome. / The criminalization of aggression and the establishment of the International Criminal Court’s jurisdiction over this crime make it necessary to provide a definition for this crime, and to determine the conditions under which the Court shall exercise its jurisdiction over this crime. However, this task is not an easy one given the ‘’particular nature’’ of the crime of aggression. The major challenge we are faced with lies in the difficulty to define and circumscribe the crime of aggression while abiding by the cardinal rules of international criminal law on the one hand, and the requirements of the law of the Charter or the law of the international Peacekeeping on the other. Due to the legal nature of the aggression, more precisely the atypical positioning characteristic of the crime of aggression, a crime which is halfway between the law of the international peacekeeping and the international criminal law, not forgetting the fact that this crime targets exclusively individuals who are ‘’ actually able to control or lead the political or military action of a State,’’ the legal regime of the crime of aggression is going to be fairly peculiar, in comparison with that of the other international crimes provided for by the Rome Statute

Influence of non-state transnational actors on decision-making of sovereign states is one of the most important topics in the international relations discipline. Some academic approaches consider this influence as quite important. Others perceive it as only secondary. Economic actors are a specific case because they on one hand bring know-how, employment and economic growth. On the other hand, they decrease sovereignty of the host states. This thesis tries to uncover influence of the two strongest non-state transnational economic actors in the Czech Republic - German and Japanese Chambers of Commerce. The topic of lobbying of these actors in the case of lack of labor force in the Czech Republic was chosen because of its good empirics. The text also aims to test assumptions according to which bargaining power of such actors is influenced by geographical distance between the host state and home country of the transnational actor. This thesis also wants to address the general topic of influence of the transnational actors on states in the international relations, based on the findings of this case study.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the role of the transnational actor at the national level in particular case of the American Chamber of Commerce in the Czech Republic. The study is divided into two main parts. The first, theoretical part focuses on three theoretical strands. The first chapter focuses on the development of theoretical perceptions of non-state actors in international relations since the 1970s. The goal of the first chapter is to examine concept of interdependence, global governance, the new transnationalism and transnational private governance. The second chapter focuses on multinational corporations. The analysis emphasizes the dynamics of research and development of transnational corporations and their relationship with the nation state. The goal of the third theoretical chapter is to explore the process of interest representation within the nation state. Attention is drawn to obstacles and conditions that transnational actor needs to overcome in order to successfully penetrate the process of interest representation and pursue its goals within the state. The second part of the thesis investigates activities of the American Chamber of Commerce in the Czech Republic that were carried out in an effort to amend the Public Procurement Act from 2010 to 2012. The hypotheses...